Wednesday, August 28, 2019

3. The Carib Raid



This work is a study of the first four generations of Anguillians and how they founded the Anguillian character.  It deals mainly with the period 1650 to 1776.  The century and a quarter before the American Revolution was the formative epoch for the Anguillian type.  It marks the time when our ancestors claimed the land and worked it and held on to it despite all the conspiracies of Mother Nature and the colonial authorities to deprive us of it.  We got no consideration or assistance from either of them.  What Anguillians learned from those early years was that there was no one looking out for us but ourselves.  This work attempts to set out all that is known about these first Europeans and Africans, free and enslaved, who claimed this island.  There is precious little written about our black ancestors, and hardly more about the whites.  We shall search the archival records for any document that describes how they lived, what work they did, and the what tribulations they were put to.  We shall try to explain how the tough times and disasters that Anguillians passed through in this early period contributed to build the characteristics of the proud and hardy Anguillians of today.  It was in this period that the character of the Anguillians of today was moulded.
The earliest European recorded as landing on Anguilla was a Frenchman who made a brief call in 1564.[1]  We do not know when the first African arrived and whether slave or free.  Then, in March 1609, Captain Robert Harcourt out of Dartmouth was in the Rose on his way back to England from Guyana.  He first took possession of Anguilla "by turf and twig" in the name of King James I.  He sailed through the cays on the north side of Anguilla.  "There", he later wrote,[2] "I think never Englishman sailed before us.”  However, he did not stay long on the island.



1. Sir Thomas Warner
It was only in 1623 that the first English settlement anywhere in the West Indies was made.  That was the year that Thomas Warner, later Sir Thomas Warner (1580-1649), landed in St Christopher, more familiarly known as St Kitts, with a small band of settlers (see illus 1).  He originally sailed from England in 1620 to the Oyapoc Colony in today’s Guyana as a captain under the command of Roger North.  At the suggestion of Thomas Painton, another captain of the Oyapoc Colony, he decided instead to try to colonise one of the islands of the Lesser Antilles because of their favourable conditions.  In 1623 he and his followers abandoned their Guiana post and set sail north through the archipelago, deciding eventually to attempt a settlement on the island of St Kitts.  That island is well named the ‘mother colony’ of the West Indies.  It was from there that the English colonized Nevis, Antigua, Montserrat, St Croix, Tortola, Virgin Gorda and Anguilla.
The French joined the English in St Kitts in 1625.  Pierre Belain d'Esnambuc (1585-1636), was a French trader.  He started a settlement at Dieppe Bay in St Kitts and was the first governor of the French part of the island.  The English and the French were sharing the island of St Kitts when in 1629 Don Frederique de Toledo, Governor of Puerto Rico, descended on the two settlements with a strong fleet.  Most of the French and English escaped the Spanish attack by putting to sea.  These refugees from St Kitts found hiding places among the lonely bays of the Virgins, Antigua and Anguilla.[3]  Some of them may have remained in Anguilla after the Spaniards abandoned St Kitts and Nevis, but there is no record that has survived from those days.
2. Statue of Pierre Belain d’Esnambuc in Martinique
D’Esnambuc later founded the French colony in St Pierre in Martinique in 1635 (see illus 2).  The French from St Kitts subsequently settled not only Martinique, but also Guadeloupe, St Bartholomew, and St Martin.
The Dutch played a short but influential role in the settlement of Anguilla.  They showed passing interest in the island in the 1620s as a source of salt.  Johannes De Laet[4] described Anguilla in 1624 as having “no fresh water, but a salt pan with enough salt for two to three ships a year, and a beautiful bay”.[5]  But, he made no suggestion that the Dutch settled the island.  They did, however, have a short-lived presence.  In about the year 1631, they built a fort at Sandy Hill on the south coast.  It is likely that the purpose of the fort was to guard the sea approach to their settlement on nearby Sint Maarten.  The site on top of the hill is still known as the ‘Old Fort’, though there is no trace left of any fortification or other Dutch occupation.  In 1634, the Spanish destroyed the Dutch settlement at Phillipsburg in Sint Maarten.  When the Dutch returned, they dismantled the fort on Anguilla.  They used the materials to repair the battered defences of Philipsburg.  That was the last time that the Dutch showed any interest in Anguilla.
It was in the year 1650 that settlers from St Kitts and Nevis started a permanent, if unofficial, occupation of Anguilla.  There is no reliable information on who these first settlers on Anguilla were.  There are very few documents relating to Anguilla that survive from the seventeenth century.
We do not know with any certainty the names of the first European and African settlers of Anguilla in 1650.  As for the earlier indigenous Amerindian residents, they were long dead by that date.  The Spaniards either removed them to slavery in Puerto Rico and Hispaniola, or, more likely, they died in their villages at Sandy Ground and Rendezvous Bay from diseases imported from Europe and Africa.  The Amerindians had no natural immunities to the common infections of Europe and Africa.  Influenza and measles were as deadly to them as smallpox and typhoid.  Their extinction occurred within a few decades of the arrival of the Spaniards in the 1490s.  After that date, there is no mention in the surviving records of any Amerindians continuing to occupy Anguilla.
In 1780 George Suckling wrote that Anguilla was ‘possessed’ by the English, French and Dutch.[6]  He gives no authority for this assertion, which was made to him by residents of Tortola.  If he meant that the French and Dutch nations settled and claimed the island as their own, then that is a mistake.  If he meant that French and Dutch persons resided from time to time, that is a possibility.  Even prior to 1650 the island may have been informally occupied by unauthorised settlers of various nationalities, and that Suckling’s account reflects early knowledge.  If so, these French and Dutch settlers were unofficially occupying and working plots of land and held no title to them.  There is no record of them in the early documents.  All seventeenth- and eighteenth-century references to the nationality of the first settlers are to the effect that they were English settlers from St Kitts.
Dr Samuel B Jones was an Antiguan physician attached to the St Kitts colonial service (see illus 3).  During the late 1920s, he held the post of Medical Officer, Magistrate and chief administrator of Anguilla.  As he sat in the Magistrate's office awaiting the opening of court, he had access to the early deeds and records of Anguilla stored there.[7]  After he read them, he wrote one of the earliest histories of the island.[8]  Dr Jones developed a theory about the purpose of the 1650 settlement of the island.  This was that the aims of the early English colonists who arrived in Anguilla in 1650 were both imperial and economic.  He argued that the island was occupied by the English, not only to acquire more territory and to prevent other nationalities from seizing it, but also, from the planters’ point of view, because it provided additional land for cultivation.


3. Dr Samuel Benjamín Jones OBE
By the year 1648, both the Dutch and French established settlements on St Martin, which lay to the north and within sight of St Kitts.  It seemed to the English, Dr Jones concluded, to be a good strategy to occupy Anguilla which lay eleven miles further to the north of St Martin.  However, what few surviving written sources for that early period of Anguilla's history there are provide no evidence of any such grand or imperial design for the settlement and occupation of Anguilla in 1650.  Rather, the settlement of the island is described by Charles de Rochefort as not having occurred “under any public encouragement”.[9]
What is certain is that each early planter in Anguilla colonized for himself and received no patent or title to his land.  "Without any public encouragement" can only mean without any commission from either the authorities in London or from the Governor in Chief in Antigua.  By contrast, both the King and Cromwell gave official commissions to claim and to settle other islands.  The better view is that the island was first settled informally and not as part of any grand or imperialist strategy as Dr Jones suggests.
The malign consequence of this lack of authority for the settlement was to last for centuries.  Anguilla would remain half-forgotten, lawless and desolate, until the demands for the abolition of slavery in England in 1825 forced the Secretary of State to make provision for Anguilla to be included in the local legislation for abolition by bringing her under the authority of the St Kitts House of Assembly.  One of the early St Kitts Acts passed that applied both to St Kitts and to Anguilla was the Slavery Abolition Act of 1834.
We can speculate that the first settlers from St Kitts were landless discontents who fled from St Kitts to take their chances on a lawless frontier.  Taxation was another certain reason for leaving St Kitts.  By 1630, settlers in St Kitts were paying yearly levies of 20 lbs of tobacco per head to the Proprietor, the Earl of Carlisle, 20 lbs to the Governor, 10 lbs to the church, and 40 lbs to maintain guards against the possibility of Carib attack for six years, even though such attacks ceased at an early date to be a problem.[10]  For the poorer homesteaders, moving to the lawless and tax-free island of Anguilla was a major improvement in their condition.
Another argument against Dr Jones’ imperial design theory is that throughout the remainder of the century, the Governors in Chief repeatedly express the view that the settlement in Anguilla is a nuisance.  There is no suggestion in any of the early colonial dispatches that the island served any useful purpose, or that it was settled for strategic reasons.  If this first settlement was unauthorized, the tradition recorded by Suckling that a mixture of English, French and Dutch possessed the island may well have some substance.  Among the early illegal English tax refugees from St Kitts, most of them probably of the least reputable sort, others may have been fugitives of other nations.  There were debtors escaping from their creditors, runaway indentured servants and fleeing felons.  But of all the European nations the English first accepted responsibility for the administration of the island, and after 1650 no other flag ever flew over it.
The 1666 John Davies of Kidwelly translation of de Rochefort is the earliest published description of Anguilla and of its first settlement.  De Rochefort wrote that the island bore that name because of its shape, as it was very long and very narrow, lying like a snake or eel.  At a part where the island was widest, he claimed, there was a lake.  He wrote that around this lake a few English families settled seven or eight years previously.  When first settled, the island was “filled with alligators and other noxious animals”.[11]  The soil was good for raising tobacco and corn.  The cattle imported multiplied very quickly.
The pond he refers to may be Cauls Pond in the east of the island, or perhaps Road Pond in the west.  We shall never know, as there are no land titles or correspondence from this early period that refer us to a pond.  Some writers favour Road Pond.  Cauls Pond is more likely since many of the deeds that survive from the seventeenth century relate to the Shoal Bay, Stoney Ground, and Cauls Pond areas.  There are no early deeds that relate to Sandy Ground and Road Bay.  That suggests that there was not much economic activity in Sandy Ground in the early period.


4. Distribution of the Lesser Antillean iguana
Despite what de Rochefort wrote, it is not likely that the first settlers found true alligators on the island.  The lack of water, still one of Anguilla's most notable features, argues against it.  No alligator teeth or other bones have ever been recorded.  The most probable explanation for the remark is that the slow-moving iguanas, which still exist in Anguilla, were mistakenly called alligators (see illus 4 and 5).


5. Iguana delicatissima
The ground lizard is another candidate (see illus 7).  Both the iguana and the ground lizard can grow to nearly three feet in length.  If there were ever alligators on Anguilla, their remains would turn up in the various archaeological excavations that took place over the past decades.  No trace of any alligator remains are reported from any part of Anguilla.
As for the reference to noxious animals, the harmless racer snake, which is still commonly seen throughout the island and which to its own disadvantage still inspires an instinctive dread, may be the source of this statement.
6. The harmless Anguilla racer snake
Scorpions, centipedes, and other insects such as mosquitoes and sand flies, could also have accounted for the words ‘noxious animals’, but their stings are not fatal.  The name Merrywing Pond at Cove Bay memorialises the seventeenth century name of the mosquitoes and sand flies that still infest the island during and after periods of rain.
We must also take issue with De Rochefort’s suggestion that the name of the island reflects its eel-like shape.  It is more likely that the name derives from the many harmless racer snakes that live on the island (see illus 6).


7. Anguilla ground lizard (AARF®)
The word ‘Anguilla’ is the Latin for eel.[12]  An eel may be described as a form of sea snake.  Bolstering this theory that the island is named for its snakes is the unsubstantiated suggestion that the early English called the island ‘Snake Island’.[13]  We shall look at this aspect of the name of the island when we come to deal with the connection of the buccaneers to the history of Anguilla.
De Rochefort tells us that the first cash crop of these early settlers was tobacco.  This was a native Amerindian crop found growing also in St Kitts, Nevis, and Antigua when the settlers arrived in those islands.  It was the first cash crop of choice of the earliest settlers.  The industry did not last long.  Once Virginia's tobacco fields began to flood England with vast supplies of this produce the islands could not compete.  In all the islands, the crop ceased to be significant by the 1640s and alternatives were found.
Cotton grew on the island, as in the other Leewards, where the Indians cultivated it before the arrival of the Europeans.  Taken up by the early settlers, it found a ready market in Europe.  Within a short time, cotton replaced tobacco as the cash crop of the early settlers.  Portuguese Jews fleeing prosecution in Brazil brought sugar technology to Barbados in about 1640.  But sugar cane cultivation was not attempted in the Leeward Islands for several more decades.  No serious attempt at growing sugar cane was made in Anguilla for a century after it was established in Barbados.  The sugar period for Anguilla was roughly 1730-1776, though sugar cane continued to be grown on the island for many years afterwards, most probably for the distillation of rum.[14]
De Rochefort confirms that the earliest settlers on Anguilla grew corn, more properly maize, for food.  Maize was an Amerindian food crop widespread throughout the West Indies.[15]  There was no need to import it into Anguilla, as it was probably found growing wild on the island when the settlers arrived, as would the native tobacco.[16]  It remained a popular cash crop and source of food widely grown throughout the island until the late twentieth century when tourism became the modern ‘crop’ of choice.  Cassava, or manioc, was the principal root crop of the Amerindians, and it has continued to be a popular starch among the islanders.  The first settlers also kept cattle, sheep, goats and pigs imported from Europe for food.
No sooner did this first settlement of 1650 establish itself than six years later it was almost wiped out by an Amerindian attack.  The Roman Catholic missionary, Pere Jean-Baptiste du Tertre, recorded that the Caribs attacked the inhabitants of St Barts, where they killed sixteen and wounded several others.  From there, they went on to Anguilla where they killed almost all the men.  They plundered and burned the houses and kept the women and children as slaves.  The indefatigable du Tertre witnessed the aftermath of this Indian raid on Anguilla.  His account is the only contemporary description we have of the event.  The boat that he was sailing in was on its way from Guadeloupe to St Kitts on the morning of 18 November 1656.  Near the island of Redonda it came upon the Amerindians as they paddled away from Anguilla.  There were in all nine large pirogues, or canoes, filled with men.  Fortunately for the French, all nine pirogues did not attack the French vessel.  This is what du Tertre wrote about the encounter,
I saw them first, to the number of nine pirogues, which looked at a distance only like pieces of timber floating on the water, and showed them to Captain la Bourlette, who said after he had looked at them, "Father, if we were in any other place, I would think that it was an army of savages going upon some expedition."
But a moment afterwards, seeing them tack, he cried out, "Get ready! Get ready!  They are the savages!"  As they were still a full league from us, we had time to prepare for action, and to say some short and fervent prayers.
The largest pirogue, leaving the eight others, came boldly to reconnoitre us.  Our Captain did what he could to run her on board athwart ships, and sail over her; but the Caribs adroitly avoided the shock and always kept her head towards us.
We had pointed the gun to rake the pirogue from one end to the other, and it was loaded with a large ball, an iron chain, and two bags of old nails and musket balls.  Half the savages on board the pirogue rowed; all the others held each of them two arrows on their bow-string ready to let fly.
When they were about twenty paces from us they made great cries and hootings on coming to attack us; but as we went to them before the wind, the foresail covered us and they could not see to fire at us.
Our gunner seeing them close chose his time so well and let off his gun so a propos that the discharge knocked down more than half the savages, and if the stern of the pirogue had not pitched, not one of them would have escaped.  There were more than twenty killed by this discharge so that the sea all around our bark became bloody and the pirogue was stove and full of water.
They did not for that cease to close to us, and those that had escaped seeing us clear of the sail shot a number of arrows and wounded two of our soldiers, one in the finger, which was cut off the next day, and the other in the thigh, who died a few days afterwards at Martinique.
Our two Captains and our soldiers fired their pieces, and because they were so close there was scarcely one that did not kill a savage.  While both sides were fighting valiantly an old captain of the savages, seeing M. de Maubray upon the poop shot an arrow at him with such violence that it broke the vessel's bell without which he would have been killed.  But he did not endure that long: M. de Maubray immediately shot him in the side.  The ball passed through him, and M. de Maubray would have finished him with his pistol, but the savage avoided him and threw himself into the sea, with his bow and arrow, where all the others, even the wounded, followed him!
As soon as they were all in the water, we tried to save some prisoners that were in the pirogue, and easily got out two young Frenchmen.  But as we were trying to get an English girl out, an old female savage bit her on the shoulder, and tore out as much flesh as her mouth could hold!  But at the same time a Christian Carib that we had on board, and a sworn enemy to others of his nation, struck her a blow with a half pike in the neck, which made her drop her prize.  This wound, nevertheless, did not prevent her from throwing herself upon the girl and biting her a second time, before we could get her out of the pirogue.  A Negro who had lost both his legs by our shot refused the hand, which was held out to save him, he threw himself head foremost into the sea.  But his feet not being quite separated from his legs, he hung by the bones and drowned himself.  We also tried to save a young English lady, the mistress of the girl we had taken on board.  The pirogue being separated from the bark, we saw her for some time upon a chest, holding out her hands to us; but as we went to her the chest upset and we never saw her again!
While we were occupied in saving these poor miserable creatures, our old savage captain all wounded as he was came towards us, and raising his body half out the water, like a Triton, holding two arrows on the string of his bow, fired them into the bark and dived immediately under the water.  He returned thus bravely to the charge five times; and his strength failing him before his courage, we saw him fall backwards and sink to the bottom!
Another old man who had remained on the bark's rudder having lost his hold, began to cry out, and implore us not to kill him.  I instantly begged Captain Bourlotte who to satisfy me threw a rope's end to him, but he could not catch it, and seeing that he used all his efforts to regain the bark, Bourlotte shot him in the face, and he sank to the bottom.
In the beginning of the action I had seen a young savage in the water that could not be more than two years old, moving his little hands, but it was impossible to save him.
If the eight pirogues had come to us with the same courage we would certainly have been taken; but having seen the fire that we kept upon the first and perceiving that we stood towards them with all sail set, they took flight, and having gained the weather gage by rowing they saved themselves on a small island called Redonda.[17]
We have no information on how many of the Anguillian settlers survived this attack, or their names.
Around this time the Anguillians elected Abraham Howell to be their governor.  Abraham Howell, whose courage and character were frequently tested during his long life, survived to restore the fledgling colony.  Contrary to du Tertre's report of destruction it is more probable that the raid was the typical hit and run affair favoured by the less well armed Indians.  It is likely that only stragglers and isolated settlers were killed or taken prisoner.  The bulk of the men and their families survived.  The settlement was revived and continued to grow.
Although there is no record of the names of the first settlers on Anguilla it is possible to reconstruct a partial list from the surviving documents.  The records all refer to ‘a few English’ being responsible for the first settlement.  A good guess would be that the island sloop that brought them, their families and their possessions, would not have held more than twenty-five men.  A few of them would survive, we cannot say prosper, until the end of the century.  Most of them appear to die in the many violent conflicts to which the island was subject and from disease and accident.  Those we can be relatively sure of include:
Abraham Howell         [elected deputy governor in 1666, which suggests that he was at least 25 years old when elected]
George Leonard         [over 80 years of age when he died in 1735]
John Mereweather     [member of Council in 1672].
Richard Richardson  [member of Council in 1672].
Humphrie Seward      [member of Council in 1672].
The marvel is that, in those early days of the first generation of Anguillians, the struggling settlement was never abandoned despite the hardships involved.  For every settler killed by marauders or lured away to greener islands, two arrived in Anguilla to take his place.  The evidence, skimpy though it is, of continuous occupation throughout the remaining years of the seventeenth century can be sifted out of the dispatches of the Governors in Chief back to London, and a few surviving Anguillian title deeds and conveyances of this period.  We shall look at some of them next.
Next:  Chapter 4 - The First Generation 




[1]      Thomas Southey, Chronological History of the West Indies (3 vols, 1827) Vol 1, p.189.
[2]      Robert Harcourt, A Relation of a Voyage to Guiana (1616), cited by Southey, op cit, p.243
[3]      Southey, op cit, Vol 1, p.265.
[4]      Johannes De Laet, History of the New World (1625). De Laet (1581-1649) was a Dutch geographer and director of the Dutch West India Company.
[5]      Cornelis Goslinga, The Dutch in the Caribbean (1971) p.129.
[6]      George Suckling, An Historical Account of the Virgin Islands in the West Indies (1780).
[7]      Just as I did fifty years later while I served as Magistrate of Anguilla from 1976 to 1980.
[8]      Samuel B Jones, Annals of Anguilla (1936).
[9]      John Davies, History of the Caribby Islands (1666).  A translation of Charles de Rochefort, Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Isles Antilles de L'Amerique (1658).  The comparative scarcity of the Davies’ translation is claimed to be due to the burning of most of the books in the Great Fire of London in September 1666.  De Rochefort was the pastor of the French protestant church at Rotterdam and resided several years in the West Indies.  Du Tertre complained that his work was merely a revision of his work and that of Raymond Breton.
[10]     James A Williamson, The Caribbee Islands under the Proprietary Patents (1925), cited in David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492, p.148.
[11]     Cited also by Thomas Southey, op cit, p.328.
[12]     The scientific name for the common eel is ‘Anguilla anguilla’.
[13]     The Encyclopaedia Britannica entry for Anguilla preserves this alternative name.  See also Chapter 8: The Buccaneers and Anguilla.
[14]     Chapter 18: Sugar Arrives.
[15]     Columbus himself preserved the Amerindian name for this grain when he described it growing in the Bahamas on his first voyage in 1492.
[16]     According to a story told me by an elderly resident of Long Bay Village, local legend has it that Maids Bay is so-called from the translation of the original name of the place, La Baia de Maiz, or Maize Bay. On the map, it is now incorrectly spelled “Meads” Bay. No person named ‘Mead' is ever recorded as living in Anguilla, far less in the Maids Bay area.  ‘Mead’s Bay’ is still pronounced by locals as ‘Maids Bay’, or, more correctly, ‘Maize Bay’.
[17]     Jean-Baptiste du Tertre, Histoire General des Isles de St Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la Martinique, et autres dans L’Amerique, Tome 1, p.508. [Translated by Capt Thomas Southey, A Chronological History of the West Indies (1827), Vol 2, p.15-18]


Tuesday, August 27, 2019

4. The First Generation



We do not know the names of the first generation of settlers who came from St Christopher in the year 1650.  We do not know for certain whether they met anyone living on the island when they arrived, and, if they did, who they were.  We do not know how many, or which of them, died in the Amerindian raid of 1656.  Nor do we know the names of those who survived the raid.  We can only speculate that not all the first settlers were killed in the 1656 raid.  Most survived to build up the growing settlement.  While Abraham Howell[1] and his men were defending the settlement during the ‘Carib raid’, many of the women and children escaped into the forest.  This was then virgin forest, even more impenetrable than the thorny scrub that now covers the island.  These first settlers knew places such as caves to hide in on the island that a casual Carib raiding party from the distant Windward Islands would not easily find.  It is not likely that Pere Du Tertre is right in assuming that they were almost all wiped out in the Carib attack.
By ‘the first generation’ is meant those who arrived in Anguilla in 1650 together with those who were born here in the following thirty years.  The period 1650 to 1680 appears to have been free from drought, and agriculture prospered.  This early productive period was followed by 40 years of drought.  The crops repeatedly failed, and the islanders were driven to extremes of poverty.  Abraham Howell was the undoubted hero of this first generation of Anguillians.  The records show that he was one of the most propertied of the planters.  He held title to several parcels of land, all of which he must have granted to himself.  This is to be expected of the man who was for nearly three generations the most powerful person in the community.  We see his name cropping up repeatedly right up to the early part of the next century.  It is likely that he was one of the original settlers on the island who arrived in 1650, as they elected him to be their leader only sixteen years later in 1666.
Within a few months of the Carib raid of 1656 the ruined homesteads of those colonists that survived the raid were rebuilt.  Restoring their houses was not particularly difficult.  There are contemporary descriptions of these first West Indian tobacco farmers' houses in other islands.[2]  We have a good idea of how these early Anguillians lived.  Their houses were simple huts, framed by four or six forked stakes, walled by reeds coated in mud, and thatched by palm leaves.  Furnishings of the best tobacco planter houses, typically, consisted of no more than an old chest, a few hammocks, some empty barrels, a broken kettle, an old sieve, some battered pewter dishes, two or three napkins, a glass bottle, and, occasionally, a book or pamphlet.
Not only did they rebuild their houses, but their numbers continued to grow.  The first Anguillian settlers of 1650 arrived from St Kitts.  Their relationship with that island continued through the ensuing years.  We know from Charles de Rochefort that Anguilla was not occupied as a result of any public encouragement.[3]  No one was given a commission to settle it.  It was not settled under any plan or design.  They could have come only from other islands, as Anguilla had no direct communication with England or Africa.  The bulk of them likely consisted of freed indentured servants and ex-slaves looking for land of their own.  In the islands of St Kitts, Nevis and Antigua, land was already in short supply.  Among them were small holders from the greener islands to the south, who sold their cotton and provision grounds to the growing class of sugar planters.  Some were run-away debtors and criminals.  There was also the occasional successful planter from St Kitts or Antigua taking a grant of land in Anguilla from the Governor in Chief.  These rich planters did not reside in Anguilla.  They were probably only collecting additional plots of land in the island to add to their already substantial holdings.
Some of the new arrivals came from among the St Kitts-based Sir Tobias Bridge’s Regiment, disbanded after the Treaty of Breda in 1667.  In order to encourage the men to settle in the islands, instead of all returning to England, land was allotted to two companies of the King's regular troop in the West Indies in proportion to each person's rank.  That is, the amount of land that each soldier received depended on his rank in the regiment.  The Captain General and Governor in Chief, Sir Charles Wheeler,[4] received detailed instructions from London on how much land the men were to be awarded in the Leeward Islands.[5]
Private
35 acres
Corporal or Drummer
50 acres
Sergeant
79 acres
Ensign
160 acres
Lieutenant
200 acres
Captain
400 acres
Table 1: Land entitlement of the decommissioned men of Sir Tobias Bridge’s Regiment. (UK National Archives CO.153/1.)
It is unlikely they received this land entirely free of cost.  No deputy governor of Anguilla, right up to the last one, William Richardson who served from 1805 to 1825, ever received one penny from the Crown or from local government in payment for his service.  Anguillian deputy governors were all forced to make their own income by selling Crown land and pocketing the customs duties and powder money collected at the harbours.  Until close to the end of Anguilla’s separate existence in 1825 there was no Treasurer appointed for Anguilla.  There was no system for accounting for public revenue or its expenditure.  No public works or buildings were built throughout this early period of life in Anguilla.  The one public building we know from the eighteenth century is the courthouse at Crocus Hill.  This was no more than the private home of a deceased governor, perhaps deputy governor Benjamin Gumbs and subsequently deputy governor William Richardson, turned over to public use sometime after 1825 until it was destroyed by hurricane Alice in 1955.[6]
We see from table 1 that a Captain was to be awarded the most land, four hundred acres.  An ensign got one hundred and sixty acres.  A private could claim no more than thirty-five acres.  Most of the men obtained land in St Kitts.  We know from a patent that survives in the Anguilla archives that at least one officer settled here.  In the year 1673, six years after the regiment was disbanded, deputy governor Abraham Howell gave Ensign Thomas Rumney a grant of ‘Blown Point Plantation’, no doubt in exchange for a payment.  This document is the earliest Anguillian land title to have survived.  This fact alone makes it worth reproducing in full.  But additionally, it sheds valuable light on social conditions on the island at the time.  It reads,
Abraham Howell, Deputy Governor and Commander in Chief over all His Majesty's Forces, Officers and Soldiers in Anguilla:
(LS)  Whereas his Sacred Majesty Charles the Second, By the grace of God of England Scotland France and Ireland with the territories and dominions thereto belonging, King, Defender of the Faith, has by his Letters Patent under the Great Seal of England bearing date the 10th day of [ . . . ] 1671, Reposing special trust hath authorised and empowered and commissioned his servant William Stapleton to be Captain General and Chief Governor of all His Majesty's Leeward Islands in America as by his Commission may more at large appear
and Whereas His Excellency hath commissioned and empowered me Capt Abraham Howell Deputy Governor and Commander in Chief as above said to give, grant, sell and assign over grants or patents for lands situate, lying and being in the Island of Anguilla aforesaid as to me shall seem meet and convenient, Provided always it be not prejudicial to any former grants or patents
THEREFORE KNOW YE that I the said Abraham Howell for diverse considerations me hereunto moving have given and granted and by these presents do give and grant unto Ensign Thomas Rumney a certain parcel of land or plantation situate, lying and being in a place that is known and called by the name of Blown Point Plantation it being in breadth two and thirty men's land, that is to say all what land is at head and foot in the same breadth, at the head bounded with the rocks and at the foot joining with the Rendezvous Pond with all and every of the appurtenances thereto belonging or appertaining, to have and may hold, all former grants excepted, to him the said Ensign Thomas Rumney his heirs and assigns for ever the above specified land yielding and paying unto our dread Sovereign all such taxes according to the custom of the country.
Given under my hand and seal this 18th day of July anno. 1673.
Abraham Howell (LS)
The name “Blown Point” Plantation was subsequently to evolve into Blowing Point.  The original spelling in this patent has an authentic ring to it.  To this day, the residents refer to their village as “Blown Point”.  The plantation is thirty-two men's land in breadth.  The exact meaning of this description is not clear.  We only know that the plantation bounded at the head (presumably the east) with the sea rocks and at the foot (presumably the west) with Rendezvous Pond.  If this was a regimental grant, and if it conformed with the instructions given to the Governor, then thirty-two men’s land would be close to 160 acres.  Abraham Howell does not make it clear whether the land was granted in accordance with Wheeler’s instructions from London or whether it was a purely commercial transaction.  It seems unlikely it was a regimental grant.  It may well be that Ensign Romney sold his regimental grant of 160 acres of land in another island and was using some of the proceeds to purchase a smaller and cheaper parcel of land in Anguilla.
Three years later, in 1676, preserved in the St Kitts Archives, is another patent to land given by Abraham Howell.[7]  He records a grant of land in The Valley Division he made ten years previously in 1666, the year he was informally elected deputy governor by his fellows, to Humphrey Lynch.  The patent reads,
By the Deputy Governor
Anguilla
These may certifie whom it doth or may concern that in the year 1666, I being then chosen by the inhabitants of this island to be Governor & Commander in Chief under his Sacred Majesty until Commission from a higher power did appear upon said island, I did by virtue of said power give and grant to Humphrey Lynch & to his heirs forever all former grants only excepted a certain parcel of land lying and being in the new Valley Division beginning at the head line joyning with the southernmost corner of the land which Walter Perkins did dwell upon & so running to the sea side & to the borders [of] the neighbouring plantations in breadth be it more or less . .
[Given ] under my hand this 7th of Xber 1676.
Signed: Abraham Howell
From these two patents, it becomes apparent that one of the principal benefits of government in Anguilla was having some recognised authority to confirm title to land by those that had settled it.  Granting titles to land was one of the main functions of a deputy governor, and doubtless one of his principal sources of revenue.
Civil War broke out in England in 1642 and lasted off and on for eighteen years.  In 1649, King Charles I was tried and executed by order of Parliament under Oliver Cromwell.  The Monarchy was abolished, and Cromwell ruled as ‘Lord Protector’.  In 1650, Charles II landed in Scotland, which was then invaded by English forces.  The contest between the Parliamentary Forces and the Royalists spilled over into the West Indies, particularly in Barbados.  Civil War broke out in Barbados, lasting to 1652.  It did not end until the year 1660 with the death of Oliver Cromwell and the restoration of King Charles II.  War and conflict produce refugees.  We must not be surprised that distant little Anguilla was viewed as a place of sanctuary for those wishing to escape from the dangers that affected the richer islands during the Civil War.  The possibility remains that some of the earliest settlers of Anguilla were refugees from the contest between Parliament and the King in England.
In 1660, after the restoration of the Monarchy in England, Charles II gave Francis Lord Willoughby (see illus 1),[8] a Royalist supporter, letters patent to the revenue of the Caribbee Islands.[9]  He was appointed Captain General and Governor of the properties included in the Carlisle Grant of the West Indies.
In other words, Willoughby bought the right to develop and to exploit the islands of the West Indies as best as he could.  Specifically included in his 1660 grant were the islands of "Angilla also Angvilla and Sembrera also Sembroa also Essembrera."  At least the King’s secretary came close to spelling the name of Anguilla correctly.

1. Governor Francis Lord Willoughby
Both the spelling and etymology of the island’s name are of some interest and controversy.  The word ‘Anguilla’ is the old Latin and modern Italian word for eel.  ‘Anguille’ with an ‘e’ is the French, and ‘Anguila’ with one ‘l’ is Spanish.  From the earliest topographies to the most modern tourist literature, one finds the legend repeated that the name is derived from the French or Spanish word for eel.  There is no truth in it.  No early map or travel account spells the island’s name as either ‘Anguille’ or ‘Anguila’.  The name does not go through an evolution from one form of spelling to another.  It was always the Italian spelling, ‘Anguilla’,[10] from the earliest recorded mention of it up to the present day.  It is more likely that some forgotten Italian navigator or cartographer amongst the early Spanish explorers gave the island its name.  The Italian Christopher Columbus does not mention or name the island and does not appear ever to have seen it.  Perhaps the Italian explorer Amerigo Vespucci himself first set down the name of the island in ink.  In any event, whoever named it, the correct account for the name of the island is that it is neither French nor Spanish, but the Italian word for eel.
Once the island was successfully occupied, it was only intermittently and ineffectively brought under the protection of the English Crown.  In the year 1660, Governor Francis Lord Willoughby appointed William Watts,[11] a planter of St Kitts, to be lieutenant governor of both St Kitts and Anguilla.  This date was only four years after the Carib raid.  It may seem promising that already the settlement had a lieutenant governor.  But Watts never lived in Anguilla and was lieutenant governor of it in name only.  There is no evidence he even visited it before he died in St Kitts fighting the French in 1666.
In the year 1665, an anonymous memorandum was prepared for the use of the Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations.[12]  It is a magnificently written document titled, The General Description of America or the New World.  Anguilla merits just two sentences in it (see illus 2).
2. Extract relating to Anguilla taken from A Generall Description of the New World. (UK National Archives®)
The Generall Description’s analysis of Anguilla reads:
Anguilla is the next which hath ten leagues of length and is 18 degrees.  It hath some few English on it with an excellent salt pit and a good road for ships.
There is no mention of any commercial or agricultural activity at this early date, fifteen years after settlement.  The ‘salt pit’ can only be the Road Salt Pond.  Its mention shows the role the early salt industry already played in Anguilla’s economic life.  A roadstead is another name for a harbour.  The ‘good road’ must refer to what came to be known as ‘Road Bay’.  Any Anguillians growing tobacco and keeping small stock were not considered strategically important enough for mention in this memorandum.
The following year, 1666, the French in St Kitts under Robert Lonvilliers de Poincy defeated the English forces in that island.  De Poincy expelled some 1,300 of the English and those he deemed to be vagabonds, probably the Irish.  The French landed some 300 of them, known to history as the ‘Wild Irish’, on Anguilla.  These caused the settlement much damage.  We shall examine this invasion in more detail in a subsequent chapter dealing with Anguilla's involvement in the wars between the Europeans.[13]  What seems inescapable is the conclusion that several of the Irish names of Anguilla appear to date from this early period.  There is Wild Irish blood alive in the Anguillians of today.
Francis Lord Willoughby made Barbados the centre of government for his holdings in the West Indies.  He did not last long, and there is no evidence he ever visited Anguilla.  In 1666 he and his entire fleet were lost at sea in a hurricane.  He was succeeded to his title and his lands by his nephew Henry.[14]
Henry Lord Willoughby[15] took active steps to repopulate the Leeward Islands which were devastated during the war.  The following year 1667, he sailed from Barbados with a party of colonists for the stated purpose of resettling Antigua, Montserrat, Saba and Anguilla.  How many, if any, of them came to Anguilla is not known.
Major John Scott was a notorious trickster, who spent a mottled career as an international spy and counterspy, peddling dubious maps and military information to the English, Dutch and French authorities.[16]  In a dispatch back to London he recorded that he left Anguilla in September 1667 in good condition.[17]  If anything that Scott wrote can be taken seriously, that would certainly suggest that the island quickly recovered from the French/Irish attack of the previous year.  We can speculate that it is likely that the island benefited from Willoughby’s deliberate policy to plant settlers on it.  There is no firm evidence one way or the other.
The following year, 1668, we see Under-Secretary Joseph Williamson receiving a dispatch from the new Governor, Henry Lord Willoughby, concerning his responsibilities in the Leeward Islands (see illus 3).[18]  Anguilla is included in his remit.  About this island he writes,
Anguilla.  Far to the Leeward of St Christopher.  200-300 Englishmen fled thither during time of war.  Not worth keeping.  Makes tobacco.  Inhabitants poor and would move to Antigua.  Governor Abraham Howell.
So, Governor Willoughby informs Mr Williamson that these first Anguillians fled there in time of war.  That would be the English Civil War.  In his opinion, the island was not worth keeping.  The people there grew tobacco.  This crop soon lost much of its value on the world markets, and sugar cane early replaced it in Barbados, Antigua, Nevis and St Kitts.  The inhabitants were poor, he writes, as we would expect of homesteaders who were still planting the unprofitable tobacco crop.  He opines that they would happily remove to Antigua.  He confirms that Abraham Howell was then the deputy governor.  This was just two years after he was elected by the inhabitants to be their deputy governor.  His informal appointment was subsequently legalised or at least recognised by Governor Willoughby.
Under-Secretary Williamson and his successors in office enthusiastically take up Lord Willoughby’s opinion about Anguilla.  We have no corroboration that the Anguillians of 1668 wished to abandon the island and transfer themselves to Antigua.  Since there was by this time no spare land in Antigua with which to compensate the Anguillians for the loss of their properties, it is highly unlikely that the assertion is correct.  What is more informative to us is the statement that there were settlers on Anguilla who fled there during the Civil War in England and in Barbados.
3. Part of Henry Lord Willoughby’s description of Anguilla in 1668. (CO.1/23. National Archives®).
The Royal Navy Captain and author, Thomas Southey, recorded, but without citing a source, that in 1668 several planters removed from Barbados to Anguilla.[19]  Needless to say, we have no idea who the Barbados planters were or what their names were.  There, he wrote, they found conditions so favourable that they were able to soon prosper.  But, he wrote, they managed without any of the trappings of government or religion.  These twin themes of a lack of any institution of government or of a church are to recur repeatedly in the colonial reports of the conditions of life on Anguilla.
The surviving evidence suggests that, commencing with Abraham Howell, the deputy governor of Anguilla was always elected by the islanders and recognised in an informal way by the Governor in Chief of the colony of the Leeward Islands.  This is a marker of Anguilla’s poverty and insignificance to the colonial power.  This procedure is to be compared with the appointment of the deputy governors of the richer islands.  These received letters patent granted by the King.  As we shall see, the deputy governor of Anguilla ruled the island by the weight of his personal power and authority rather than any official appointment.  The deputy governor of Anguilla was informally elected by the settlers, not formally appointed by Royal Patent.  The only support for his position was the consent of the most important of the Anguillians and the subsequent informal confirmation of his appointment by the Governor in Chief.  He was not backed by any legal infrastructure.  There was no legislature to make law.  Anguilla in this early period was the most perfect example of a community ruled by a man as compared with the rule of law.  Rough justice was the best that the inhabitants could hope for throughout the one hundred and seventy-five years that passed until Anguilla was joined to St Kitts in 1825.  After that date, the laws of the Legislative Council of St Kitts were one by one applied to Anguilla.  It is important to repeat that prior to that date the Anguillians lived without any semblance of a formal legal system.
As for religion, occasionally, a minister of religion would spend a few years among the people.  More often, a visiting cleric, such as the Quaker missionary, Thomas Chalkley, would drop in if only for only a short visit.[20]  Such visits would be interspersed by decades when no clergyman touched on the island.  The residents gave each other their hands in marriage with no more formality than if they lived on a desert island.  The truth is that the island was too poor to support a permanent cleric.  The marvel is that despite these hardships, the settlement persisted and was never abandoned from that first unknown day in the year 1650 when Abraham Howell and those first intrepid adventurers landed on Anguilla with the intention of making a new home for themselves.
Although Anguilla was ill-defended throughout the seventeenth century and beyond, being so poor, it was not destroyed by enemy action as often as the richer of the Leeward Islands were.  Refugees from neighbouring islands, attacked by the French or Spanish in time of war, filtered into Anguilla throughout this century, adding to the numbers, as we have seen.  The island clearly offered some sort of sanctuary to refugees from other English islands attempting to escape attack.
As we have seen, less reputable elements contributed to the stream of early settlers on Anguilla.  There were retired buccaneers, runaway debtors, convicts and prostitutes deported from England, and the Wild Irish harboured by the French in St Kitts and later banished to Montserrat by Sir Thomas Warner.  Except for the last, the Wild Irish, there is little or no hard evidence of the source of the early European settlers arriving in Anguilla.
It is likely that there were African residents at this time as well.[21]  Warner brought the first 60 African slaves to St Kitts in 1626, the first of the countless thousands to be transported to slavery in the Leeward Islands.  We have seen the record of the African prisoner taken from Anguilla who was mortally wounded in the Carib pirogue, and who preferred to commit suicide rather than be rescued by Pere Du Tertre’s ship in 1656.[22]  Some of the Africans living on Anguilla in this early period were free men, and some were slaves.  Sugar cultivation does not appear in the records of Anguilla until some one hundred years after it began to flourish in Barbados in 1640.  West Indian sugar's handmaiden, African slavery, did not reach its peak in Anguilla until the mid-eighteenth century.  Slave imports into the West Indies during the seventeenth century reached high numbers, as Professor Phillip Curtin shows:
Years
Barbados
Jamaica
Leewards
Total
1640-1650
18,700
0
2,000
20,700
1651-1675
51,100
8,000
10,000
69,200
1676-1700
64,700
77,100
32,000
173,800
Totals
134,500
85,150
44,100
263,700
Table 2: Estimated English Slave Imports, 1640-1700. (Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, 52-64, 88-89, 119)
Table 2 indicates that in the two generations between 1640 and 1700, 44,100 slaves were imported into the Leeward Islands.  We do not know how many of them came to Anguilla, as compared to the richer and wetter islands of Montserrat, Antigua, Nevis and St Kitts.
In Governor William Stapleton’s census of the population of the Leeward Islands taken in 1672 he records the numbers of the slaves found in each island.[23]  He shows no slave being present in Anguilla as of that early date:

Acres
Men able to bear arms
Armed
Horse
Negroes
St Christopher
5,988
496
437

352
Nevis
22,000
1,411
1,330
80
1,739
Montserrat
28,000
1,175
700
50
523
Antigua
40,000

1,052
100
570
Anguilla

500



Saba


40


Statia


120


Total English
95,988
3,582
3,679
230
3,184
Table 3: Statistics of Population in 1672.
In the custom of the day, Governor Stapleton titles the slaves ‘Negroes’ a description normally restricted to black slaves.  Throughout the records of that time, the word Negro is not used to designate race specifically, but to designate status.  Thus, we can say that in 1672 no black slaves are recorded as being present in Anguilla.  It is unlikely, however, that there were neither pure Africans nor persons of mixed blood on the island who were free persons.  The island was a safe harbour for all kinds of refugees and runaways.  If there were free Africans present on the island in 1672, it is unlikely that they were counted among the Negroes.  But, as with so much about Anguilla in this early period, we cannot be certain.  The description ‘men’ in the colonial records of the period is normally restricted to free white men.  White indentured servants would not be counted as ‘men’, though they would likely be included as ‘men able to bear arms’.
The earliest document to mention the presence of Africans in Anguilla is Governor Walter Hamilton's 1716 List of the Inhabitants of Anguilla.[24]  This can be called the first Anguilla census.  It records that there were then 820 Africans as compared to 534 Whites.  We can speculate from these figures, that Africans were among the first generation of Anguillians, but we do not know either their names or their numbers.  We shall look more closely at this document when we come to deal with the Anguillian attempts to settle Crab Island and the population censuses that were taken at the time.[25]
References to Anguilla continue to crop up occasionally in the seventeenth century dispatches from the Governor in Chief to the Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations.  These references are usually no more than a footnote, or a passing reference.  Throughout the seventeenth century, Anguilla does not appear to be the object of a single dispatch back to London based on its own merit.  These colonial reports offer us but tantalizing glimpses of those distant days in Anguilla.  Typical is the mention of the island in an unattributed 1666 report:[26]  "Anguilla . . . Inhabited by a few English."  How few, and what were they doing, one wants to ask.  Clearly, in the opinion of the Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations, they were not producing enough revenue to the Crown to make it worthwhile going into any detail.
In the same year 1672, Col William Stapleton replaced Sir Charles Wheeler[27] as Governor of the Leeward Islands.  With his dispatch of 17 July 1672, at the beginning of the Third Dutch War, Governor Stapleton enclosed to the Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations a short account of the island of Anguilla (see illus 4).[28]  This simply related that Captain Abraham Howell was still the deputy governor, and that Captain John Merewether, Captain Richard Richardson and Humphrie Seward made up his Council.  There were only 150 men available for the island's militia.  They possessed no heavy guns or gun powder with which to defend themselves.  As we have seen in table 2, he gives a rough estimate of the population of the island as being 500.  We have no idea who they were.  Certainly, 150 men is a major increase from the estimated 25 men of 1650, just 22 years before.
4. Stapleton’s Account of the Island of Anguilla in 1672: (CO.1/29 National Archives®).
In 1676 Stapleton replies to enquiries from the Committee for Foreign Plantations about the condition of the Leeward Islands.[29]  In the whole colony of the Leeward Islands, he reports, there were only ten churches.  Four were in Nevis and two each in St Kitts, Montserrat and Antigua.  There was neither church nor minister in Anguilla.  Stapleton asks for six more ministers for the islands.  Six are eventually recruited.  Two years later he reports to London that five of the six ministers arrived to serve the colony of the Leeward Islands.[30]  They were parsons Foster, Jones, Molineux, Davis, Milward, and Lambert.  Two were sent to each of St Kitts and Antigua, and one to each of Montserrat and Nevis.  None of them was sent to Anguilla.
Stapleton gives his estimate, which he admits is a rough one, of the value of the plantations in the islands in 1676.[31]  He includes Anguilla.  He values the estates of the planters of Anguilla in 1676 at £1,000 (see table 4). This must be compared to Nevis, the richest of them all, which he valued at £384,660.  He repeats that Abraham Howell was deputy governor, with 60 ill-armed men available for the militia.
Island
Value in £
St Christopher
67,000
Nevis
384,000
Antigua
67,000
Montserrat
62,000
Statia
1,000
Saba
1,000
Anguilla
1,000
Barbuda
2,500
Table 4: Stapleton’s Estimate of the Value of the Estates of the Planters of the Leeward Islands in 1676: CO.153/2 (UK National Archives®)
Stapleton takes the opportunity to describe Anguilla in 1676.  He is neither complimentary nor hopeful for the future (see illus 5).  Anguilla, he wrote, like Statia and Saba, Dutch islands then held temporarily by the English, was never surveyed.
5. Stapleton on conditions in Anguilla in 1676: CO.153/2. (UK National Archives®)
Thus, he could not give a detailed account of Anguilla’s acreage and potential for development.  Indeed, he advised, there was no need to survey the island.  It was so small, and the land so poor, it would always be incapable either of holding many people or of defending itself.  It was fitter for raising livestock than for planting any of the cash crops of the islands at that time.
Colonel Philip Warner, Sir Thomas Warner’s son and deputy governor of Antigua, was detained at the Tower of London for several years.  He was being investigated on a charge of murdering the war chief of the Carib Indians of Dominica, his alleged half-brother, Indian Warner.  He knew Anguilla well.  He whiles away the time spent in the Tower preparing a memorandum on the various Leeward Islands for the use of the Committee for Trade.[32]  He writes of Anguilla that it “is a barren, rocky island, ill settled by the English, and of small consequence either for timber”.  He did not attempt any estimate of the number of the inhabitants.  Nor did he give us any description of conditions of life in Anguilla at the time.  When on 25 April 1678 the Privy Council advises the King on the state of the Leeward Islands Warner’s words above have become the definition of Anguilla:
6. Philip Warner’s description of Anguilla, CO.153/2. (UK National Archives®)
The first Anglican minister in Anguilla for whom we have a record was a Parson Nelson.  We are never told his full name.  We learn about him from George MacDonnah nearly a hundred years later.[33]  MacDonnah was an Anguillian cotton planter.  In 1774 he testifies in a trial before members of the Anguilla Council.  This is just before the American Revolution, when Anguilla was at the height of its short-lived, slave-made sugar prosperity.  The members of the Council were appointed Judges in Ordinary by the Governor in Chief.  Their authority was very limited.  There was no lawyer among them, and there was no Legislative Assembly to pass any laws for them to apply.
The case was brought by the Council against Thomas Hodge, himself a member of the Council.  The lawsuit sought a declaration that the land he occupied was in fact the Glebe Land.  The glebe land is land belonging to the Anglican Church.  MacDonnah was permitted, in effect, by the legally untrained Council of Anguilla to give what amounted to hearsay evidence.  He testified as to what John Harrigan, then deceased, told him about what one old lady named Eleanor Connor, then also deceased, told him, John Harrigan.[34]  It is evident from this litigation that in the 1770s there was a hope to revive the Church in Anguilla and to recover the land which was previously attached to it.  The affidavit reads:
Anguilla.     Before the Honourable John Smith[35] Esq, Lieutenant Governor of the said island and Ordinary of the same.
Personally appeared before me George McDonough and deposed on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God that the said deponent is upwards of seventy years old, but cannot say exactly, that he remembers he went to school at a church situated on the land now called the glebe land in The Valley, in the time of the Wars of Queen Ann.  That he believes one Parson Nelson, as he has been told of old, was the first parson who came to Anguilla and that in the time of Governor Leonard.  John Harrigan Esq one of His Majesty's council told him the said deponent that Governor Leonard had recommended it to him the said Harrigan that it would be necessary to show the younger people of the island the boundaries of the glebe land in The Valley, in consequence of which one Eleanor Connor a very aged woman was sent for who deposed, as the said Harrigan informed him the said McDonough, that the Southern bounds of the said Glebe Land were a certain step of rocks, adjoining a Grape Tree waterhole and a large loblolly tree, the Eastern bounds adjoining the land of Lieutenant Derrick, the Western bound adjoining the lands of Scully, and the Northern bounds with the head line of the Valley Plantation, and that the said Harrigan showed these bound to him the said deponent George McDonough, which said bounds at the request of the Reverend John Shepherd he the said deponent hath lately shown to the Honourable John Smith Esq, John Payne Esq and Captain Samuel Gumbs, and that he the said deponent verily thinks and believes to the best of his memory and knowledge that the said land as butted and bounded above has been always reputed as land left for the use of the Church and the public ever since his time and as he has been frequently told ever since a clergyman came first to the island, and further this deponent sayeth not.
Sworn before me   ]
this 29th day of      ] (sd) George McDonough
November 1774     ]
(sd) John Smith
To summarise, in his affidavit, George MacDonnah deposes that he was at the time of making it upwards of seventy years of age, but he could not say exactly how old he was.  This suggests that some of the planters of Anguilla at that time were innumerate and probably illiterate as well.  He says that he remembered that he was a child in the time of the Wars of Queen Ann.  These wars lasted from 1702 to 1713, so he is speaking of the first decade of the eighteenth century.  He says that at that time he attended a school at a church built on the Glebe Land at The Valley.  What is interesting about this statement is that it is the first and only testimony of the existence of a church building in Anguilla during the first generation of Anguillians.  He then says that he believed, from what he was told as a youngster, that Parson Nelson was the first parson who had come to Anguilla.  This was back in the time when George Leonard was deputy governor (1689-1735).  At Leonard’s request, the old lady, Eleanor Connor, showed John Harrigan, and other young men of the time, where the bounds of the glebe lands were.  John Harrigan then, at the request of Rev John Shepherd, showed him, MacDonnah, where the boundaries were.[36]
This glebe land that was in dispute refers to the Anglican Church lands at the Valley.  The St Mary's Anglican Church and its presbytery presently stand on the glebe land.  There was a church on the site since at least the year 1700.  The result of this suit was that Thomas Hodge Esq was persuaded by his fellow councillors to be a gentleman and to give up or quit his claim to the land.  Hodge consented to an Order being made in favour of the church.  It was very rarely that an island Council would make an Order in a disputed case against one of its members.  This 1776 case report is significant because it records the oral history of that much earlier time in Anguilla.
In about the same year 1678 that the five Anglican ministers arrived in the Leeward Islands, Governor Stapleton reported back to the Privy Council on the condition of the islands in his colony.[37]  He listed all able men bearing arms, together with the number of women and children.  There was a total of 550 white persons in Anguilla.  This estimate is either too high, or his estimate of ‘62 men capable of bearing arms’ made just two years before is too low.

Nevis
Antigua
St Kitts
Montserrat
Statia
Saba
Tortola
Anguilla
White Males








English
1,050
800
370
346




Irish
450
360
187
33




Other
34
76
138
33




White Women








English
700
400
409
175




Irish
120
130
0
410




Other
8
14
130
33




White Children








English
920
400
543
240




Irish
230
120
0
690




Other
9
14
120
13




Total White
3,521
2,308
1,897
2,182
69
90
15
550
Black Males
1,422
805
550
400




Black Women
1,321
868
500
300




Black Children
1,106
499
386
292




Total Black
3,859
2,172
1,436
992




Table 5: Population of the Leeward Islands in 1678: Governor Stapleton, CO.1/42.
It is inconceivable that Anguilla became so attractive a destination for settlement that the population nearly tripled in such a short period of time.
We do know that immigrants were continuing to trickle into Anguilla from neighbouring islands.  By the year 1680, the Barbadian authorities were complaining about the high rate of emigration from that island.  Freemen, that is, property-holders in Barbados with less than ten acres, many of them lately indentured servants, were not able to vote or to play any part in Barbados's political and social life.  There was no more available land in Barbados, and no future there for the small aspiring planter.  Those planters with sugar estates tended to swallow up the land of the small tobacco farmers, adding to the number of landless persons.  Most of those that left Barbados to make a new start, turned to the mainland colonies of Boston, Virginia and Carolina, or returned to live in England.  But some moved to the other islands to the north of Barbados.  Of the 593 persons reported[38] by Governor Atkins as leaving Barbados in 1679, fully 73% were described as ‘time out’, suggesting that they were recently indentured servants.
Caribbean
North America
England
Other
Antigua -                 65
Boston -             68
London -         151
Holland -  1
Nevis -                    14
Rhode Island -     3
Bristol -             39

Montserrat -              1
New England -   25
Liverpool -           8

Leeward Islands -   15
New York -         34
Beaumaris -        3

Jamaica -                35
Virginia -             62
Topsham -          3

Bahamas -              12
Carolina -           38
Poole -                1

Tortuga -                   3
Newfoundland -    3


Suriname -                5



Bermuda -                 4



Totals -                  154
                         233
                        205
               1
Table 6: Destinations of 593 persons leaving Barbados in 1679: Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, Table 11.
Table 6 shows that nearly one-sixth of the total emigrants from Barbados in 1679, or 95 of them, hoped to set themselves up as planters somewhere in the Leewards.  Some of them may well have settled in Anguilla where there was land available for those that cared to work it.  A list of the tickets granted to immigrants from Barbados to Antigua and other places reveals several names that are significant in this early period of Anguilla's history.
April 10, 1679
Howell, Sarah in the barque Providence for Bermuda
April 17
Bushell, William in the ship Pearle for Antigua
August 28
Lloyd, John in the ship Barbados, Merchant, for the Leeward Islands
December 4
Maden, Patrick in the sloop Friendship for Antigua
December 24
Downing, John in the ship Laurel for Nevis
Table 7: List of persons with Anguillian names shipping out of Barbados in 1679: Dunn, Sugar and Slaves.
All these surnames extracted from Governor Atkins’ list of persons shipping out of Barbados are Anguillian family names.  They crop up in the Anguillian Archives from time to time in subsequent years.  Sarah Howell claimed she was shipping to Bermuda.  It is more likely she got off the boat in Anguilla.
Picking through the documents, it is just possible to assemble a list of the names of the first generation of Anguillians who we believe lived in the period 1650-1680.  A few of them were to survive, we cannot say prosper, until the end of the century.  Most of them appear to die in the many violent conflicts to which the island was subject and from disease and accident.  Those we can be relatively sure of include:

Mentioned in
Burrose, John
John Lake’s 1684 certificate.
Carty, Owin
Thomas Connor’s 1689 certificate.
Blake, Valentine
David Derrick’s 1708 deed.
Bryan, Daniel
Thomas Connor’s 1689 certificate.
Bushell, Thomas
David Derrick’s 1708 deed.
Call, Thomas
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Connor, Thomas
Certificate in 1695.
Derrick, David
David Derrick’s 1708 deed.
Derrick, Leo
David Derrick’s 1708 deed.
Derrick, Thomas
David Derrick’s 1708 deed.
Edney, Peter
Jacob Howell’s 1698 patent.
Floyd, Samuel
David Derrick’s 1708 deed.
Gallway, Richard
John Lake’s 1684 certificate.
Green, John
Jacob Howell’s 1698 patent.
Hackett, Ann
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Harrigan, John
Thomas Connor’s 1689 certificate.
Harris, John
Jacob Howell’s 1698 patent.
Howell, Abraham
Elected deputy governor in 1666.
Howell, Jacob
Thomas Connor’s 1689 certificate.
Howell, Ruth
Thomas Connor’s 1689 certificate.
Jones, Lewis
Jacob Howell’s 1698 patent.
Huntington, Richard
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Lake, Edward
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Lake, Jacob
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Lake, Joan
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Lake, John
Certificate in 1684.
Leonard, George
Deputy governor in 1689.
Lockrum, Robert
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Lynch, Humphrey
Patent of 1676 from Abraham Howell
Mereweather, John
Member of Council in 1672.
Perkins, Walter
Humphrey Lynch’s 1676 patent
Pickering, Abednego
Purchases from Jacob Howell in 1699.
Richardson, Jeremiah
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Richardson, John
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Richardson, Richard
Member of Council in 1672.
Roberts, William
Edward Lake;s 1704 patent.
Romney, Thomas
Patent in 1673.
Ruan, Mary
Thomas Connor’s 1689 certificate.
Seward, Humphrie
Member of Council in 1672.
Thomas, William
Jacob Howell’s 1698 patent.
Waters
Edward Lake’s 1704 patent.
Welch, Richard
Thomas Connor’s 1689 certificate.
Table 8: The names of the first generation of Anguillians known to us.
The only other document that provides us with a list of the names of persons who were born into the first generation of Anguillians is the Anguilla Census of 1716 taken by Governor in Chief Hamilton.[39]  Although it was produced early in the period of the third generation, 1711-1740, we can expect that many of the older persons named on that list were present in Anguilla fifty years previously.
There are no further statistics available in the National Archives in London for the population of Anguilla for the balance of the century.  We do know that numbers of them began to leave after 1680 when a severe drought that was to last for 40 years began.  The instability and hazards of island life were aggravated by the Nine Years War (1689-1697) in Europe and the Caribbean.  But other settlers undoubtedly came when conditions improved to replace those who left.  The seventeenth century closes with war in the region, the settlement destroyed, and the colonists temporarily evacuated to Antigua, with large numbers of them emigrating to Crab Island, then, like Anguilla, considered to be one of the Virgin Islands.
Next:  Chapter 5 - The Second Generation 




[1]      Deputy governor of Anguilla, 1666-1689. See Chapter 17: The Council.
[2]      See Richard S Dunn, Sugar and Slaves: The Rise of a Planter Class in the English West Indies, 1624-1713 (1972).
[3]      John Davies, History of the Caribby Islands (1666), a translation of Charles de Rochefort, Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Isles Antilles de L'Amerique (1658).  See Chapter 3: The Carib Raid.
[4]      Sometimes spelled “Wheler” in the correspondence.
[5]      CO.153/1, folio 27: Sir Charles Wheler’s Instructions.
[6]      Governor Richardson’s manager Mr Zagers acquired a part of his estate in due course.  His acquisition, just west of the old courthouse, was known as “Zagers’ land” and is now mistakenly spelled “Sachassas” instead of “Zagers’.”
[7]      Photographed by Martha Burrows and transcribed by Heather Nielson in 2005.
[8]      Francis Lord Willoughby (1605-1666), Governor in Chief of the Leeward Islands 1660-1666. He was first appointed governor of Barbados in 1650, but surrendered to Commodore George Ayscue of the Parliamentary force which took Barbados from the Royalists.
[9]      Calendars of State Papers, para 387: Francis Lord Willoughby’s Patent, dated 18 November 1662.
[10]     Rhymes with vanilla.
[11]     Lieutenant Governor of Anguilla and the Virgin Islands, 1660-1665.
[12]     It is found at CO.1/19, folio 351: A Generall Description of America or the New World.
[13]     Chapter 6: War and the Settlers.
[14]     Francis’ only son, William, is sometimes named in the histories as his heir and successor.  However, William died during Francis’ lifetime.  Francis left his lands in the West Indies to his daughters and to his nephew Henry who succeeded to his titles.
[15]     Henry Lord Willoughby, Governor in Chief of the Leeward Islands, 1666-1668.
[16]     Per Dunn, op cit.
[17]     CO.1/21, No 46, folio 289: Scott to Williamson.
[18]     CO.1/23, No 103, folio 212, Willoughby to Williamson.
[19]       Thomas Southey, A Chronological History of the West Indies (3 Vols, 1827).
[20]     Thomas Chalkley, The Journal of Thomas Chalkley (1808). Chapter 5: The Second Generation.
[21]     Pere Du Tertre, in his account of the 1656 attack on Anguilla quoted in full in Chapter 3: The Carib Raid, describes the French attempt to rescue the prisoners of the Caribs. One of them was an African who was mortally wounded by the French canon fire on the Carib pirogue.  Du Tertre describes his last moments with these words, “A Negro who had lost both his legs by our shot refused the hand, which was held out to save him, he threw himself head foremost into the sea.  But his feet not being quite separated from his legs, he hung by the bones and drowned himself.”  It is likely that this man was a prisoner from Anguilla, but we cannot be certain.
[22]     See Chapter 2: The Carib Raid.
[23]     Thomas Southey, A Chronological History of the West Indies (1827, Vol 2, p.104).
[24]     CO.152/11, No 56: Hamilton to the Committee on 3 October 1716, enclosure: The 1716 List of the Inhabitants of Anguilla.
[25]     Chapter 9, The Lure of Crab.
[26]     CO.1/20, No 202, folio 349: A Description of ye Carebby Islands.
[27]     Spelled “Wheler” in the correspondence.
[28]     CO.1/29, No 14, folio 22: Stapleton to the Committee on 17 July 1672, enclosure 3: Account of the Island of Anguilla.
[29]     CO.153/2: Stapleton to the Committee on 22 November 1676: Answers to Enquiries.
[30]     CO.153/2, folio 265. Stapleton to the Committee on 24 January 1678.
[31]     CO.153/2, folio 139: Stapleton to the Committee on 22 November 1676: Answers to Enquiries.
[32]     CO.153/2, folio 76: Warner to the Committee on 3 April 1676:  An Account of the Caribbee Islands.
[33]     Anguilla Archives: George MacDonnah’s affidavit.  Maybe Parson Nelson was the Anglican clergyman sent by Governor Parke in 1709, as he sarcastically put it, “to make Christians of the Anguillians”.
[34]     We see this John Harrigan appearing in the records as a member of Anguilla’s Executive Council between the years 1735 and the 1750s.
[35]     John Smith served as deputy governor of Anguilla for several years, 1771-1776.
[36]     We have in the archives a copy of Rev John Shepherd’s 1774 patent to be minister of Anguilla from Governor in Chief, Sir Ralph Payne.
[37]     CO.1/42, No 98, folio 240: Stapleton to the Committee on 29 June 1678: An Abstract.
[38]     Dunn, op cit.
[39]     Chapter 10: Crab Island Revisited.