Showing posts with label Dr Samuel B Jones. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Dr Samuel B Jones. Show all posts

Wednesday, August 28, 2019

3. The Carib Raid



This work is a study of the first four generations of Anguillians and how they founded the Anguillian character.  It deals mainly with the period 1650 to 1776.  The century and a quarter before the American Revolution was the formative epoch for the Anguillian type.  It marks the time when our ancestors claimed the land and worked it and held on to it despite all the conspiracies of Mother Nature and the colonial authorities to deprive us of it.  We got no consideration or assistance from either of them.  What Anguillians learned from those early years was that there was no one looking out for us but ourselves.  This work attempts to set out all that is known about these first Europeans and Africans, free and enslaved, who claimed this island.  There is precious little written about our black ancestors, and hardly more about the whites.  We shall search the archival records for any document that describes how they lived, what work they did, and the what tribulations they were put to.  We shall try to explain how the tough times and disasters that Anguillians passed through in this early period contributed to build the characteristics of the proud and hardy Anguillians of today.  It was in this period that the character of the Anguillians of today was moulded.
The earliest European recorded as landing on Anguilla was a Frenchman who made a brief call in 1564.[1]  We do not know when the first African arrived and whether slave or free.  Then, in March 1609, Captain Robert Harcourt out of Dartmouth was in the Rose on his way back to England from Guyana.  He first took possession of Anguilla "by turf and twig" in the name of King James I.  He sailed through the cays on the north side of Anguilla.  "There", he later wrote,[2] "I think never Englishman sailed before us.”  However, he did not stay long on the island.



1. Sir Thomas Warner
It was only in 1623 that the first English settlement anywhere in the West Indies was made.  That was the year that Thomas Warner, later Sir Thomas Warner (1580-1649), landed in St Christopher, more familiarly known as St Kitts, with a small band of settlers (see illus 1).  He originally sailed from England in 1620 to the Oyapoc Colony in today’s Guyana as a captain under the command of Roger North.  At the suggestion of Thomas Painton, another captain of the Oyapoc Colony, he decided instead to try to colonise one of the islands of the Lesser Antilles because of their favourable conditions.  In 1623 he and his followers abandoned their Guiana post and set sail north through the archipelago, deciding eventually to attempt a settlement on the island of St Kitts.  That island is well named the ‘mother colony’ of the West Indies.  It was from there that the English colonized Nevis, Antigua, Montserrat, St Croix, Tortola, Virgin Gorda and Anguilla.
The French joined the English in St Kitts in 1625.  Pierre Belain d'Esnambuc (1585-1636), was a French trader.  He started a settlement at Dieppe Bay in St Kitts and was the first governor of the French part of the island.  The English and the French were sharing the island of St Kitts when in 1629 Don Frederique de Toledo, Governor of Puerto Rico, descended on the two settlements with a strong fleet.  Most of the French and English escaped the Spanish attack by putting to sea.  These refugees from St Kitts found hiding places among the lonely bays of the Virgins, Antigua and Anguilla.[3]  Some of them may have remained in Anguilla after the Spaniards abandoned St Kitts and Nevis, but there is no record that has survived from those days.
2. Statue of Pierre Belain d’Esnambuc in Martinique
D’Esnambuc later founded the French colony in St Pierre in Martinique in 1635 (see illus 2).  The French from St Kitts subsequently settled not only Martinique, but also Guadeloupe, St Bartholomew, and St Martin.
The Dutch played a short but influential role in the settlement of Anguilla.  They showed passing interest in the island in the 1620s as a source of salt.  Johannes De Laet[4] described Anguilla in 1624 as having “no fresh water, but a salt pan with enough salt for two to three ships a year, and a beautiful bay”.[5]  But, he made no suggestion that the Dutch settled the island.  They did, however, have a short-lived presence.  In about the year 1631, they built a fort at Sandy Hill on the south coast.  It is likely that the purpose of the fort was to guard the sea approach to their settlement on nearby Sint Maarten.  The site on top of the hill is still known as the ‘Old Fort’, though there is no trace left of any fortification or other Dutch occupation.  In 1634, the Spanish destroyed the Dutch settlement at Phillipsburg in Sint Maarten.  When the Dutch returned, they dismantled the fort on Anguilla.  They used the materials to repair the battered defences of Philipsburg.  That was the last time that the Dutch showed any interest in Anguilla.
It was in the year 1650 that settlers from St Kitts and Nevis started a permanent, if unofficial, occupation of Anguilla.  There is no reliable information on who these first settlers on Anguilla were.  There are very few documents relating to Anguilla that survive from the seventeenth century.
We do not know with any certainty the names of the first European and African settlers of Anguilla in 1650.  As for the earlier indigenous Amerindian residents, they were long dead by that date.  The Spaniards either removed them to slavery in Puerto Rico and Hispaniola, or, more likely, they died in their villages at Sandy Ground and Rendezvous Bay from diseases imported from Europe and Africa.  The Amerindians had no natural immunities to the common infections of Europe and Africa.  Influenza and measles were as deadly to them as smallpox and typhoid.  Their extinction occurred within a few decades of the arrival of the Spaniards in the 1490s.  After that date, there is no mention in the surviving records of any Amerindians continuing to occupy Anguilla.
In 1780 George Suckling wrote that Anguilla was ‘possessed’ by the English, French and Dutch.[6]  He gives no authority for this assertion, which was made to him by residents of Tortola.  If he meant that the French and Dutch nations settled and claimed the island as their own, then that is a mistake.  If he meant that French and Dutch persons resided from time to time, that is a possibility.  Even prior to 1650 the island may have been informally occupied by unauthorised settlers of various nationalities, and that Suckling’s account reflects early knowledge.  If so, these French and Dutch settlers were unofficially occupying and working plots of land and held no title to them.  There is no record of them in the early documents.  All seventeenth- and eighteenth-century references to the nationality of the first settlers are to the effect that they were English settlers from St Kitts.
Dr Samuel B Jones was an Antiguan physician attached to the St Kitts colonial service (see illus 3).  During the late 1920s, he held the post of Medical Officer, Magistrate and chief administrator of Anguilla.  As he sat in the Magistrate's office awaiting the opening of court, he had access to the early deeds and records of Anguilla stored there.[7]  After he read them, he wrote one of the earliest histories of the island.[8]  Dr Jones developed a theory about the purpose of the 1650 settlement of the island.  This was that the aims of the early English colonists who arrived in Anguilla in 1650 were both imperial and economic.  He argued that the island was occupied by the English, not only to acquire more territory and to prevent other nationalities from seizing it, but also, from the planters’ point of view, because it provided additional land for cultivation.


3. Dr Samuel Benjamín Jones OBE
By the year 1648, both the Dutch and French established settlements on St Martin, which lay to the north and within sight of St Kitts.  It seemed to the English, Dr Jones concluded, to be a good strategy to occupy Anguilla which lay eleven miles further to the north of St Martin.  However, what few surviving written sources for that early period of Anguilla's history there are provide no evidence of any such grand or imperial design for the settlement and occupation of Anguilla in 1650.  Rather, the settlement of the island is described by Charles de Rochefort as not having occurred “under any public encouragement”.[9]
What is certain is that each early planter in Anguilla colonized for himself and received no patent or title to his land.  "Without any public encouragement" can only mean without any commission from either the authorities in London or from the Governor in Chief in Antigua.  By contrast, both the King and Cromwell gave official commissions to claim and to settle other islands.  The better view is that the island was first settled informally and not as part of any grand or imperialist strategy as Dr Jones suggests.
The malign consequence of this lack of authority for the settlement was to last for centuries.  Anguilla would remain half-forgotten, lawless and desolate, until the demands for the abolition of slavery in England in 1825 forced the Secretary of State to make provision for Anguilla to be included in the local legislation for abolition by bringing her under the authority of the St Kitts House of Assembly.  One of the early St Kitts Acts passed that applied both to St Kitts and to Anguilla was the Slavery Abolition Act of 1834.
We can speculate that the first settlers from St Kitts were landless discontents who fled from St Kitts to take their chances on a lawless frontier.  Taxation was another certain reason for leaving St Kitts.  By 1630, settlers in St Kitts were paying yearly levies of 20 lbs of tobacco per head to the Proprietor, the Earl of Carlisle, 20 lbs to the Governor, 10 lbs to the church, and 40 lbs to maintain guards against the possibility of Carib attack for six years, even though such attacks ceased at an early date to be a problem.[10]  For the poorer homesteaders, moving to the lawless and tax-free island of Anguilla was a major improvement in their condition.
Another argument against Dr Jones’ imperial design theory is that throughout the remainder of the century, the Governors in Chief repeatedly express the view that the settlement in Anguilla is a nuisance.  There is no suggestion in any of the early colonial dispatches that the island served any useful purpose, or that it was settled for strategic reasons.  If this first settlement was unauthorized, the tradition recorded by Suckling that a mixture of English, French and Dutch possessed the island may well have some substance.  Among the early illegal English tax refugees from St Kitts, most of them probably of the least reputable sort, others may have been fugitives of other nations.  There were debtors escaping from their creditors, runaway indentured servants and fleeing felons.  But of all the European nations the English first accepted responsibility for the administration of the island, and after 1650 no other flag ever flew over it.
The 1666 John Davies of Kidwelly translation of de Rochefort is the earliest published description of Anguilla and of its first settlement.  De Rochefort wrote that the island bore that name because of its shape, as it was very long and very narrow, lying like a snake or eel.  At a part where the island was widest, he claimed, there was a lake.  He wrote that around this lake a few English families settled seven or eight years previously.  When first settled, the island was “filled with alligators and other noxious animals”.[11]  The soil was good for raising tobacco and corn.  The cattle imported multiplied very quickly.
The pond he refers to may be Cauls Pond in the east of the island, or perhaps Road Pond in the west.  We shall never know, as there are no land titles or correspondence from this early period that refer us to a pond.  Some writers favour Road Pond.  Cauls Pond is more likely since many of the deeds that survive from the seventeenth century relate to the Shoal Bay, Stoney Ground, and Cauls Pond areas.  There are no early deeds that relate to Sandy Ground and Road Bay.  That suggests that there was not much economic activity in Sandy Ground in the early period.


4. Distribution of the Lesser Antillean iguana
Despite what de Rochefort wrote, it is not likely that the first settlers found true alligators on the island.  The lack of water, still one of Anguilla's most notable features, argues against it.  No alligator teeth or other bones have ever been recorded.  The most probable explanation for the remark is that the slow-moving iguanas, which still exist in Anguilla, were mistakenly called alligators (see illus 4 and 5).


5. Iguana delicatissima
The ground lizard is another candidate (see illus 7).  Both the iguana and the ground lizard can grow to nearly three feet in length.  If there were ever alligators on Anguilla, their remains would turn up in the various archaeological excavations that took place over the past decades.  No trace of any alligator remains are reported from any part of Anguilla.
As for the reference to noxious animals, the harmless racer snake, which is still commonly seen throughout the island and which to its own disadvantage still inspires an instinctive dread, may be the source of this statement.
6. The harmless Anguilla racer snake
Scorpions, centipedes, and other insects such as mosquitoes and sand flies, could also have accounted for the words ‘noxious animals’, but their stings are not fatal.  The name Merrywing Pond at Cove Bay memorialises the seventeenth century name of the mosquitoes and sand flies that still infest the island during and after periods of rain.
We must also take issue with De Rochefort’s suggestion that the name of the island reflects its eel-like shape.  It is more likely that the name derives from the many harmless racer snakes that live on the island (see illus 6).


7. Anguilla ground lizard (AARF®)
The word ‘Anguilla’ is the Latin for eel.[12]  An eel may be described as a form of sea snake.  Bolstering this theory that the island is named for its snakes is the unsubstantiated suggestion that the early English called the island ‘Snake Island’.[13]  We shall look at this aspect of the name of the island when we come to deal with the connection of the buccaneers to the history of Anguilla.
De Rochefort tells us that the first cash crop of these early settlers was tobacco.  This was a native Amerindian crop found growing also in St Kitts, Nevis, and Antigua when the settlers arrived in those islands.  It was the first cash crop of choice of the earliest settlers.  The industry did not last long.  Once Virginia's tobacco fields began to flood England with vast supplies of this produce the islands could not compete.  In all the islands, the crop ceased to be significant by the 1640s and alternatives were found.
Cotton grew on the island, as in the other Leewards, where the Indians cultivated it before the arrival of the Europeans.  Taken up by the early settlers, it found a ready market in Europe.  Within a short time, cotton replaced tobacco as the cash crop of the early settlers.  Portuguese Jews fleeing prosecution in Brazil brought sugar technology to Barbados in about 1640.  But sugar cane cultivation was not attempted in the Leeward Islands for several more decades.  No serious attempt at growing sugar cane was made in Anguilla for a century after it was established in Barbados.  The sugar period for Anguilla was roughly 1730-1776, though sugar cane continued to be grown on the island for many years afterwards, most probably for the distillation of rum.[14]
De Rochefort confirms that the earliest settlers on Anguilla grew corn, more properly maize, for food.  Maize was an Amerindian food crop widespread throughout the West Indies.[15]  There was no need to import it into Anguilla, as it was probably found growing wild on the island when the settlers arrived, as would the native tobacco.[16]  It remained a popular cash crop and source of food widely grown throughout the island until the late twentieth century when tourism became the modern ‘crop’ of choice.  Cassava, or manioc, was the principal root crop of the Amerindians, and it has continued to be a popular starch among the islanders.  The first settlers also kept cattle, sheep, goats and pigs imported from Europe for food.
No sooner did this first settlement of 1650 establish itself than six years later it was almost wiped out by an Amerindian attack.  The Roman Catholic missionary, Pere Jean-Baptiste du Tertre, recorded that the Caribs attacked the inhabitants of St Barts, where they killed sixteen and wounded several others.  From there, they went on to Anguilla where they killed almost all the men.  They plundered and burned the houses and kept the women and children as slaves.  The indefatigable du Tertre witnessed the aftermath of this Indian raid on Anguilla.  His account is the only contemporary description we have of the event.  The boat that he was sailing in was on its way from Guadeloupe to St Kitts on the morning of 18 November 1656.  Near the island of Redonda it came upon the Amerindians as they paddled away from Anguilla.  There were in all nine large pirogues, or canoes, filled with men.  Fortunately for the French, all nine pirogues did not attack the French vessel.  This is what du Tertre wrote about the encounter,
I saw them first, to the number of nine pirogues, which looked at a distance only like pieces of timber floating on the water, and showed them to Captain la Bourlette, who said after he had looked at them, "Father, if we were in any other place, I would think that it was an army of savages going upon some expedition."
But a moment afterwards, seeing them tack, he cried out, "Get ready! Get ready!  They are the savages!"  As they were still a full league from us, we had time to prepare for action, and to say some short and fervent prayers.
The largest pirogue, leaving the eight others, came boldly to reconnoitre us.  Our Captain did what he could to run her on board athwart ships, and sail over her; but the Caribs adroitly avoided the shock and always kept her head towards us.
We had pointed the gun to rake the pirogue from one end to the other, and it was loaded with a large ball, an iron chain, and two bags of old nails and musket balls.  Half the savages on board the pirogue rowed; all the others held each of them two arrows on their bow-string ready to let fly.
When they were about twenty paces from us they made great cries and hootings on coming to attack us; but as we went to them before the wind, the foresail covered us and they could not see to fire at us.
Our gunner seeing them close chose his time so well and let off his gun so a propos that the discharge knocked down more than half the savages, and if the stern of the pirogue had not pitched, not one of them would have escaped.  There were more than twenty killed by this discharge so that the sea all around our bark became bloody and the pirogue was stove and full of water.
They did not for that cease to close to us, and those that had escaped seeing us clear of the sail shot a number of arrows and wounded two of our soldiers, one in the finger, which was cut off the next day, and the other in the thigh, who died a few days afterwards at Martinique.
Our two Captains and our soldiers fired their pieces, and because they were so close there was scarcely one that did not kill a savage.  While both sides were fighting valiantly an old captain of the savages, seeing M. de Maubray upon the poop shot an arrow at him with such violence that it broke the vessel's bell without which he would have been killed.  But he did not endure that long: M. de Maubray immediately shot him in the side.  The ball passed through him, and M. de Maubray would have finished him with his pistol, but the savage avoided him and threw himself into the sea, with his bow and arrow, where all the others, even the wounded, followed him!
As soon as they were all in the water, we tried to save some prisoners that were in the pirogue, and easily got out two young Frenchmen.  But as we were trying to get an English girl out, an old female savage bit her on the shoulder, and tore out as much flesh as her mouth could hold!  But at the same time a Christian Carib that we had on board, and a sworn enemy to others of his nation, struck her a blow with a half pike in the neck, which made her drop her prize.  This wound, nevertheless, did not prevent her from throwing herself upon the girl and biting her a second time, before we could get her out of the pirogue.  A Negro who had lost both his legs by our shot refused the hand, which was held out to save him, he threw himself head foremost into the sea.  But his feet not being quite separated from his legs, he hung by the bones and drowned himself.  We also tried to save a young English lady, the mistress of the girl we had taken on board.  The pirogue being separated from the bark, we saw her for some time upon a chest, holding out her hands to us; but as we went to her the chest upset and we never saw her again!
While we were occupied in saving these poor miserable creatures, our old savage captain all wounded as he was came towards us, and raising his body half out the water, like a Triton, holding two arrows on the string of his bow, fired them into the bark and dived immediately under the water.  He returned thus bravely to the charge five times; and his strength failing him before his courage, we saw him fall backwards and sink to the bottom!
Another old man who had remained on the bark's rudder having lost his hold, began to cry out, and implore us not to kill him.  I instantly begged Captain Bourlotte who to satisfy me threw a rope's end to him, but he could not catch it, and seeing that he used all his efforts to regain the bark, Bourlotte shot him in the face, and he sank to the bottom.
In the beginning of the action I had seen a young savage in the water that could not be more than two years old, moving his little hands, but it was impossible to save him.
If the eight pirogues had come to us with the same courage we would certainly have been taken; but having seen the fire that we kept upon the first and perceiving that we stood towards them with all sail set, they took flight, and having gained the weather gage by rowing they saved themselves on a small island called Redonda.[17]
We have no information on how many of the Anguillian settlers survived this attack, or their names.
Around this time the Anguillians elected Abraham Howell to be their governor.  Abraham Howell, whose courage and character were frequently tested during his long life, survived to restore the fledgling colony.  Contrary to du Tertre's report of destruction it is more probable that the raid was the typical hit and run affair favoured by the less well armed Indians.  It is likely that only stragglers and isolated settlers were killed or taken prisoner.  The bulk of the men and their families survived.  The settlement was revived and continued to grow.
Although there is no record of the names of the first settlers on Anguilla it is possible to reconstruct a partial list from the surviving documents.  The records all refer to ‘a few English’ being responsible for the first settlement.  A good guess would be that the island sloop that brought them, their families and their possessions, would not have held more than twenty-five men.  A few of them would survive, we cannot say prosper, until the end of the century.  Most of them appear to die in the many violent conflicts to which the island was subject and from disease and accident.  Those we can be relatively sure of include:
Abraham Howell         [elected deputy governor in 1666, which suggests that he was at least 25 years old when elected]
George Leonard         [over 80 years of age when he died in 1735]
John Mereweather     [member of Council in 1672].
Richard Richardson  [member of Council in 1672].
Humphrie Seward      [member of Council in 1672].
The marvel is that, in those early days of the first generation of Anguillians, the struggling settlement was never abandoned despite the hardships involved.  For every settler killed by marauders or lured away to greener islands, two arrived in Anguilla to take his place.  The evidence, skimpy though it is, of continuous occupation throughout the remaining years of the seventeenth century can be sifted out of the dispatches of the Governors in Chief back to London, and a few surviving Anguillian title deeds and conveyances of this period.  We shall look at some of them next.
Next:  Chapter 4 - The First Generation 




[1]      Thomas Southey, Chronological History of the West Indies (3 vols, 1827) Vol 1, p.189.
[2]      Robert Harcourt, A Relation of a Voyage to Guiana (1616), cited by Southey, op cit, p.243
[3]      Southey, op cit, Vol 1, p.265.
[4]      Johannes De Laet, History of the New World (1625). De Laet (1581-1649) was a Dutch geographer and director of the Dutch West India Company.
[5]      Cornelis Goslinga, The Dutch in the Caribbean (1971) p.129.
[6]      George Suckling, An Historical Account of the Virgin Islands in the West Indies (1780).
[7]      Just as I did fifty years later while I served as Magistrate of Anguilla from 1976 to 1980.
[8]      Samuel B Jones, Annals of Anguilla (1936).
[9]      John Davies, History of the Caribby Islands (1666).  A translation of Charles de Rochefort, Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Isles Antilles de L'Amerique (1658).  The comparative scarcity of the Davies’ translation is claimed to be due to the burning of most of the books in the Great Fire of London in September 1666.  De Rochefort was the pastor of the French protestant church at Rotterdam and resided several years in the West Indies.  Du Tertre complained that his work was merely a revision of his work and that of Raymond Breton.
[10]     James A Williamson, The Caribbee Islands under the Proprietary Patents (1925), cited in David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change since 1492, p.148.
[11]     Cited also by Thomas Southey, op cit, p.328.
[12]     The scientific name for the common eel is ‘Anguilla anguilla’.
[13]     The Encyclopaedia Britannica entry for Anguilla preserves this alternative name.  See also Chapter 8: The Buccaneers and Anguilla.
[14]     Chapter 18: Sugar Arrives.
[15]     Columbus himself preserved the Amerindian name for this grain when he described it growing in the Bahamas on his first voyage in 1492.
[16]     According to a story told me by an elderly resident of Long Bay Village, local legend has it that Maids Bay is so-called from the translation of the original name of the place, La Baia de Maiz, or Maize Bay. On the map, it is now incorrectly spelled “Meads” Bay. No person named ‘Mead' is ever recorded as living in Anguilla, far less in the Maids Bay area.  ‘Mead’s Bay’ is still pronounced by locals as ‘Maids Bay’, or, more correctly, ‘Maize Bay’.
[17]     Jean-Baptiste du Tertre, Histoire General des Isles de St Christophe, de la Guadeloupe, de la Martinique, et autres dans L’Amerique, Tome 1, p.508. [Translated by Capt Thomas Southey, A Chronological History of the West Indies (1827), Vol 2, p.15-18]


Monday, August 12, 2019

15. Settling St Croix



Dr Samuel B Jones was the resident doctor, Magistrate, and Warden of Anguilla in the early 1930's.[1]  While he waited for court to open, and in between seeing patients in his clinic, he read the deeds and wills filed in the Registry.  He wrote and published the first and best-known history of Anguilla.[2]  In his Annals of Anguilla, he quotes the 1740 will of John Richardson.[3]  Richardson lived from 1679 to 1742.  He was one of the third generation of Anguillians and was deputy governor of Anguilla from 1735 to 1741.  Dr Jones was interested in the bequest in the will that reads,
Item.   I give unto my son William Richardson and my two grandsons John and William Richardson sons of my deceased son John Richardson my small sloop called the Sea Flour, to attend and go forward with the settlement at St Croix, and my will and desire is that Samuel Red shall have the liberty in going and carrying what he has an occasion of towards the settling of his plantation in St Croix but my son William is to have the one moiety of said sloop.
Dr Jones expressed the hope that, “at some later date it may be possible to discover to what extent the wishes of Governor Richardson were carried out in regard to his colonization scheme for St Croix.”  It is with something of a challenge from Dr Jones that one picks through the Anguilla Archives and the Colonial Office records in London, looking for some clue as to the connection between Anguilla and St Croix in the first half of the eighteenth century.
The first useful document is Governor Walter Hamilton’s dispatch of April 1716.[4]  This is the dispatch in which he enclosed the Account of the Virgin Islands, written by Abraham Howell and Thomas Hornby,[5] the deputy governor of Tortola, and Abraham Howell’s Petition of the People of Anguilla to permit them to emigrate en masse to St Croix.[6]  The purpose of the Account was to buttress the Petition and to persuade the Governor in Chief to give his official seal of approval to the settlement of St Croix, then claimed by the French.  This is what they wrote,
Captain Howell has been at Crab Island, and I have also been there some years ago, and now give your Excellency the description as follows -
The land is extraordinary good, and all of it except some rocky points near the sea manurable, the soil very rich and level and is to the best our judgment in length about eight leagues and in breadth about eight miles, very well timbered.
As to the roads, there is two good roads, that is to say Sound Bay and Sandy Point at the west end.  But for harbours there is but two, Great Harbour and Portafairo, the first one ten foot water upon the bar but water enough within, the latter is eleven foot on the bar, water within for great ships; this is all that we know of Crab Island.
The next island of consideration is Santa Crux which we have no knowledge of, having not been there, but the inhabitants of these islands are, one or other of them, continually there, and we have the following description from them: the length of the island is 12 leagues, the breadth about eight or nine miles, the soil extraordinary good, very well timbered, but one good road and that very good, that a hundred sail of ships may ride.
Next is St John, about a league in diameter, but very ordinary land not capable of settling many inhabitants, viz, mountainous and difficult manuring, so that it is of consequence only for an extraordinary good harbour for any shipping and good timber.
Next is Tortola of about 14 or 15 miles long and not above 2 miles broad, very mountainous, not capable of making many sugar works; the land [ . . . ] is very good, but not much of it manurable; there is but one good harbour for ships but several for small sloops.
As for the rest of the small Islands or keys rather, they are good for nothing but to feed goats on, being rocky, barren land having nothing but scrubby bushes thereon, except one called Joss Van Dicks which has some good house timber on it.  The names:
First, Norman's Island
Chymanes little and great
St James's
Scrub
Thatch Islands little and great
The Dogs
St Peters Island
Prickle Pear
Salt Island
Mosquito
Coopers Island
Necker Island
Ginger Island
Little Statia
Jerusalem
The Anegadoes a stock island belonging to Thomas Hornbe
Guana Island
Beef Island
Testes
(sd) Thomas Hornbe
(sd) Abraham Howell
Governor Hamilton noted that the two deputy governors claimed that Tortola was good for little.  As for the people of Virgin Gorda, though it possessed the most inhabitants of the British Virgin Islands, they lived very meanly.  It was, he wrote, a very ordinary little island, of no profit to the Crown.  As for Beef Island, it was hardly worth mentioning.
The two deputy governors, he wrote, reported to him that St Croix was frequently visited by the sloops of Anguilla and of the Virgin Islands.  The information was that the soil was very good.  It was also well timbered, and it possessed a good roadstead.  This harbour was so large that one hundred ships might safely ride at anchor in it.  This part of the dispatch tells us that the Anguillians were familiar with St Croix and considered it a very desirable destination for settling.
Hamilton admits there was a downside to occupying St Croix.  The reason why these two experienced and accomplished captains did not have the most recent information on St Croix was that a Spanish pirate frequented its waters.   This pirate only recently took an English turtling sloop, probably from Anguilla or the Virgins.  Despite this, Hamilton has received a petition from the Anguillians to remove from Anguilla to settle St Croix.  The Anguillians pleaded that their island was so very poor and barren that it could not sustain them.  In a very short time, they must leave it or inevitably perish.  What the Anguillians wanted of the Governor were his patents to parcels of land on St Croix to allow them to make their settlement there.  The Governor had no power to do so unless he was given a commission from London to do so.  He had no such authorisation.  He prudently deferred to the decision of the Council on whether he might assist them in this way.
The Petition of 1716 to settle St Croix is unsigned but bears all the hallmark of Abraham Howell's style and it says it comes from him.  The Petition reads (see illus 1),[7]
To His Excellency Walter Hamilton Esq, Captain General and Commander in Chief of all His Majesty's Leeward Caribbee Islands in America and Vice Admiral of the Same
The Humble Petition of Abraham Howell Governor of the Island of Anguilla for himself and in behalf of the rest of the Inhabitants of said Island –
SHEWETH –
Unto your Excellency that your Petitioner does for himself and the rest of the Inhabitants of Anguilla most humbly take leave to represent unto your Excellency that the island they now inhabit is so very poor and barren that it will not produce subsistence for the Inhabitants, so that in a very short time they must leave the same or inevitably perish for want of land to cultivate and manure.  Now, may it please your Excellency, your petitioner most humbly takes leave further to represent unto your Excellency that there is a very large island called St Croix that is uninhabited and withal of a very fertile soil and commodious, with good roads for shipping and trade.
Your Petitioner most humbly prays your Excellency to take the premises unto your mature consideration and grant Patents to the several Inhabitants of Anguilla for the settlement of St Croix which in few years would be a place of trade that would raise a considerable revenue per annum to the Crown of Great Britain.
And your Petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray, etc.


1. The Anguillian petition to settle St Croix. CO.152/11, No 6, Enclosure No 4. (UK National Archives®)
This petition is expressed to be made by the author as ‘governor of the island of Anguilla for himself and on behalf of the rest of the inhabitants’ of Anguilla.  Although Howell was not deputy governor of Anguilla since 1689, he was still in 1716, twenty-seven years later, carrying the honourary title.  If Howell was still calling himself deputy governor, then it is hardly surprising to see Hamilton referring to him similarly.  Neither the Governor in Chief nor the authorities in London had any interest in or knowledge of the government of Anguilla.  Hamilton urged the Board of Trade to allow the Anguillians to leave Anguilla and to settle St Croix.  He described St Croix as being uninhabited, which can hardly have been true.
We learn more from Governor Mathew in 1733 of the history of the settlement of St Croix.  He wrote that the island was first settled by a group of homesteaders from St Kitts in about the year 1640.[8]  Sir Thomas Warner appointed one Johnson to be the first deputy governor of St Croix.  That settlement did not last long.  It proved very unhealthy, and the settlers were also afraid of the Spanish from Puerto Rico.  They abandoned the settlement after several years.  Johnson was tried for desertion after he returned to St Kitts.  The French finding the island deserted undertook its settlement.  But, after several years, they too abandoned the island and all the French moved to Saint Domingue.  English log cutters and dye wood cutters resumed their activities on the unclaimed island.  At the time of this report in 1733, there were, he wrote, about 100 English log cutters on the island.  They lived there with no form of government or organised society.
What was the point of this 1716 petition?  Why did the Anguillians not do as on Crab Island and just go off and settle the place without permission?  There was a legal reason previously hinted at.  Howell was now aware that to ensure success he needed the protection of the British flag.  This he could secure only by getting the permission of the Governor in Chief for the proposed settlement.  If Howell could persuade the Governor to accept St Croix as one of the Virgins and a part of his Colony of the Leeward Islands, the Anguillians would be able to receive grants of land and estates by way of patents.  Without the support and protection of the Governor and such forces as he commanded in Antigua, there was no defence against the Danish or Spanish coast guards and militias.  With the Governor standing behind them, they hoped they would not only enjoy the protection of the British men-of-war in the area, but also receive legal title to the lands they occupied and worked.  This was preferable to merely sneaking away to settle on a foreign island, furtively and against the law of the time.  They tried that approach on Crab Island and failed.
Hamilton's protestations of indifference as to whether the Lords of the Council gave permission for the settlement of St Croix in his dispatch of April 1716 do not hide the axe he was busily grinding away at.  It will be remembered that at this time Anguilla was classed as one of the Virgin Islands, although with its own deputy governor.  The Virgin Islands were the northern half of the colony of the Leeward Islands.  Hamilton referred to the urgings of one Captain Walton.  Walton was the deputy governor of the British Virgin Islands.  He was busy urging the Lords of the Council to be made the first Governor of his proposed colony.  He agitated for a separate government for the Virgin Islands which would have reduced Hamilton’s territory and the inhabitants of his colony.  Hamilton, therefore, had an interest in playing down the value of the Virgin Islands.  He would be determined to do everything he could to block such a development as Walton proposed.  What Hamilton wanted was more, not fewer, people in the four chief islands of the Leeward Islands.  It was not in the interest of the Leeward Islands for its northern half to be taken away and made into a separate colony.  In the event, Walton's bid was unsuccessful.  The Virgin Islands, like Anguilla, remained half-forgotten outposts of the Leeward Islands.  Prosperity was not to come to the Virgin Islands and Anguilla until the development of the tourist and financial services industries of the last quarter of the twentieth century.  We can only speculate that, with their own government and a separate administration, Anguilla and the Virgin Islands might have gone on to develop their economies in the eighteenth century, instead of having to wait for the twentieth.
By July 1717, no action was yet taken by the Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations on the petition of the Anguillians.  Hamilton wrote again urging the acceptance of his original suggestion that those Anguillians that needed land be resettled in the formerly French part of St Kitts.[9]  He explained that they again sent him a delegation renewing their request that they be given patents for land on St Croix.  He feared that otherwise he would soon begin to lose them to other neighbouring foreign islands.  He learned that some of the Anguillians planned to settle on the Dutch part of St Marten and would in consequence be lost to the British Crown.  His prophetic warning about the determination of the people to emigrate arrived too late to be of any effect, as we saw in the previous chapter.
In November of that year Governor Hamilton visited all the Virgin Islands, including Anguilla and Crab Island.  In his dispatch back to London, written in January 1718, he proposed an alternative to settlement in St Kitts for the remainder of the Anguillians.[10]  He was now persuaded by Abraham Howell of the advantages of settling the Anguillians on St Croix.  He recommended that if the Anguillians were moved all at once to St Croix, with tracts of land allotted to them by patent, they might in time become a profitable colony and be able to defend themselves.  St Croix was his choice over Crab Island for three reasons.  First because it was larger, second because its hills more frequently drew rain, and third because it was further to windward from Puerto Rico.  He hoped this would make it more secure from the sailing vessels of the Spanish coast guard.  This was the first time that Hamilton urged that the Anguillians be allowed to settle St Croix.
In March 1718, Governor Hamilton reported that the inevitable destruction of the unlawful settlement on Crab Island took place.[11]  Many of the settlers, including Abraham Howell, were taken away by the Spaniards to Puerto Rico.  The people who remained on Anguilla were still agitating to be allowed to go to St Croix.  As Hamilton wrote in his March dispatch, they were still pressing him to allow them to remove to St Croix.  He prevailed upon them, he wrote, to await their Lordships' directions. However, he cautioned that unless he received these directions soon, it would be impossible to keep the Anguillians together. They were at that point, he wrote, almost famished because of the long spell of dry weather which lasted longer than any previously known on the island.
By 1719, Governor Hamilton lost all hope of the Anguillians being allotted land in St Kitts.  He made no more mention of it after that date.  The Anguillians, in the meantime, ceased waiting for permission to leave Anguilla, assuming they ever allowed this technicality to stand in their way in the first place.  Some of the settlers from Crab Island escaped capture by the Spaniards in 1717.  They settled in the other Virgin Islands.  Others that were returned to Anguilla after their release saw no reason to remain there.  Some of them moved on to other Virgin Islands.  There was even talk of going to the Bahamas.  Some, including deputy governor George Leonard, moved to Antigua at least until after the drought ended in about the year 1725.
At this point, some of the more persuasive Anguillians were able to force Governor Hamilton's hand, and he issued them with short grants for land in Tortola. He wrote to the Committee in June 1720 that the drought lasted in all the islands for five months.[12]  Perhaps it lasted for five months in Antigua with its mountains and regular rainfall.  We know that the drought in Anguilla endured for another five years.  He did report that the drought was particularly severe on Anguilla, which was abandoned by several of its inhabitants and with more expected to follow.  He expressed his fear that unless provision was made for them, they would settle on the Dutch islands.  To prevent this, he gave them grants in Tortola.  He wrote that he was convinced that this measure at least would keep them from scattering and settling in foreign islands.
The drought in Anguilla as we know eased after 1725.  By that time the Anguillians simply ceased complaining about the weather.  They gave up trying to find an excuse for their determination to settle in foreign-owned islands.  They proceeded to do as always, that is, as they thought best for themselves.  Not quibbling whether they received either patents or mere grants from the Governor, numbers of them that were without land in Anguilla moved not only to Tortola, but also to St Martin, which was French, and St Croix, which was Danish.
It was not until 1734 that St Croix is again associated in the Colonial Office records with Anguilla.  This was just six years before deputy governor Richardson made his last will.  A new twist enters the story.  In March of that year, Governor Mathew wrote from Montserrat to the Committee.[13]  He confirmed the report that the French sold their interest in St Croix to the Danes.  One Beverode, the new Danish governor, sailed through the islands on his way to St Croix.  He held a commission to dispose of forty or more estates to settlers by patent or grant from the Danish Crown.  This windfall, Mathew feared, would prove irresistible to a great many of the poorer inhabitants in Anguilla, Spanish Town and Tortola.  He warned again that these persons seemed determined to remove to St Croix and become Danes.
In November 1734 Governor Mathew wrote the Committee explaining again his fears about the new Danish settlement in St Croix.[14]  In their new project, he wrote, the chief means they propose to settle it was by debauching His Majesty’s subjects in the Leeward Islands to become settlers and Danish subjects there.  He feared the Danes’ success in enticing away his people would be fatal for the Leeward Islands.  The presence of neutral ports at our nose, as he put it, meant that in time of war with the French, Denmark remaining neutral, there would be free ports that the French privateers could take their prizes to, recruit fresh crews, and re-provision with food and ammunition, which he would not be able to stop.
Having read these dispatches, our suspicions are raised.  Was Dr Jones mistaken in his assessment of St Croix?  Could it be that deputy governor John Richardson's son, William Richardson, and his grandchildren, John and William Richardson, and his partner Samuel Reid, were not joining a British settlement on St Croix?[15]  Were they were committing the unforgivable colonial sin of going to live in a foreign colony?  Was the Anguillian deputy governor encouraging his family and others to leave the British territory of Anguilla to settle illegally among the newly arrived Danes?  It seems, indeed, that his grandsons John and William were among the Anguillians enticed away by Governor Beverode’s offer of patents to land.
From this 1734 dispatch, we learn that Anguillians by this time were openly emigrating to St Martin and St Croix.  There is other evidence relating to St Martin.  In 1775, the heirs of Phillip Driscall and his wife, the widow Joan Glading, went to court in Anguilla.  As a result, there is preserved in the Anguilla Archives a part of their marriage contract of 1720 made in St Martin.  By this contract, Joan agreed that if Phillip should die before her, she should enjoy as dower one third of his whole estate during her life.  In exchange, she renounced all her right to the rest of his estate.  This document is as rare as it is special.  It is one of the few legal documents preserved in the Anguillian Archives relating to the affairs of the Anguillians who settled St Martin in this early period.  Fifty-five years later, George Gordon and George Patterson were married to the granddaughters of Phillip Driscoll, by now deceased.  On behalf of their wives, they claimed the whole of the estate.  The Anguilla Council, acting in its judicial capacity, delivered its judgment.  One of the exhibits was a settlement of the estate of Phillip Driscoll by of the Governor and Council of St Martin dated 16th February 1734.  This judgment fully discharged any further claim by Joan Driscoll or her heirs.  The Anguilla Council accepted that finding as binding on them.  The document is incomplete, but the significance of the contract and of the judgment is clear.  Anguillians were emigrating to the neighbouring half-French, half-Dutch island of St Martin and acquiring estates there.
Governor Mathew continues to refer to the problem of the Anguillians dispersing to foreign islands.  In his dispatch to the Committee of 31 May 1736, he reminded them of his previous fear that his colony of the Leeward Islands would suffer damage from the Danes settling St Croix.[16]  The islands now began to feel some of the effects of that settlement.  The Danes were not interested in settling it themselves.  Their Governor Moth was continually pestering the Leeward Islanders with offers and encouragement.  Lately, no fewer than seventeen members of Lieutenant Colonel Gilbert's militia company in Antigua ran off to St Croix in a boat.  Just three days previously he intercepted another vessel with six British families attempting to emigrate there.  Even though they died as fast as they got to St Croix, he claimed, there was little he could do to prevent them going if they were really determined.  As a result, his colony was daily weakening.
When the Committee replied on 8 October, they offered no solution.[17]  They made the usual request that he do all he could to restrain the population.  As they put it, since the unhealthiness of St Croix did not prevent his Majesty's subjects under his government from going to that island, they could only recommend to him that he use his best endeavours to keep them at home.  This was small support for the effort he was making.
After October 1736, the Colonial Office records make no further mention of the problem of the dispersal of the Leeward Islanders to St Croix.  The picture that emerges so far is clear.  It was in 1735 that Governor Mathew appointed John Richardson to be deputy governor in Anguilla, in succession to George Leonard.  The settlement in St Croix by members of his family and other Anguillians was illegal.  The 1740 will tells us that they moved to St Croix with Richardson's encouragement and support, probably both before and after he became deputy governor.  Subsequently, as deputy governor, he was able to encourage and assist the settlement on St Croix.  He also possessed the means to do so.  As one of the earliest successful sugar planters on the island, he was the wealthiest Anguillian of his time.  That is why he was appointed deputy governor.  As an inter-island trader and sloop owner, he had the means of transportation needed to encourage and assist the emigration to and settlement of St Croix.
As the century progressed, Anguillian sloops continued, under the aegis of the local deputy governor and Council, to connect Anguilla with St Croix, Tortola and other Virgin Islands, where so many of the population had family and business connections.  The Anguillian sloops of this time traded from one island to the other, regardless of the Navigation Acts and customs duties and prohibitions against trade with foreign islands.  In the beginning, the sloops brought valuable dye wood and building timber from the forests of Crab and St Croix to the merchants of the Leewards.  Later in the century, they traded as far as New York and London.
The Sea Flower was eventually lost in 1768.  Her captain, Boaz Bell, sold her and her cargo of salt to the Spaniards in Puerto Rico, when she became so leaky that her crew were unable to continue their voyage.  These Anguillian sloop owners and captains built the foundations of the present tradition of complete irreverence for all national boundaries and customs barriers that characterize the best Anguillian businessmen of today.
The documents we looked at show us that the Anguillians reciprocated the disrespect that the authorities showed them.  They freely moved between the Dutch and Danish territories as if these were mere extensions of Anguilla.  They made their own laws and elected their own governors.  They were polite enough, but they did not blindly obey the instructions of a distant governor.  When his instructions ran contrary to their obvious vital interests, they ignored them without hesitation.  Deputy governor John Richardson was an archetypal Anguillian.  It was in his mould that following generations of successful Anguillian boat captains, merchants and traders and our many immigrants to Curacao, Perth Amboy, and Slough, were cast.
Next:  Chapter 16 - Government Arrives 




[1]      See Chapter 3: The Carib Raid.
[2]      Dr SB Jones: Annals of Anguilla (1936).
[3]      Anguilla Archives: John Richardson’s Will of 9 January 1740. See also Chapter 18: Sugar Arrives.
[4]      CO.152/11, No 6: Hamilton to the Committee on 10 April 1716.
[5]      He spells his name “Hornbe” in the Account.
[6]      The Account is also discussed in Chapter 10: Crab Island Revisited.
[7]      CO.152/11, No 6: Hamilton to the Committee on 10 April 1716, enclosure No 4: The 1716 Anguillian petition for permission to settle St Croix.
[8]      CO.152/20: Mathew to the Committee on 19 March 1733.
[9]      CO.152/12/1, No 47: Hamilton to the Committee on 15 July 1717.
[10]     CO.152/12/1, No 67: Hamilton to the Committee on 6 January 1718.
[11]     CO.152/12/3, No 87: Hamilton to the Committee on 15 March 1718.
[12]     CO.152/13, folio 77: Hamilton to the Committee on 14 June 1720.
[13]     CO.152/20, folio 109: Mathew to the Committee on 19 March 1734.
[14]     CO.152/21, No 58: Mathew to the Committee on 26 November 1734.
[15]     Although the will spells the name 'Red', we can assume this was an error as that spelling does not reappear in any of the records.
[16]     CO.152/22: Mathew to the Committee on 31 May 1736.
[17]     CO.153/16: Committee to Mathew on 8 October 1736.