Showing posts with label Constitutional history. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Constitutional history. Show all posts

Friday, May 12, 2017

Anguilla's Judicial System, 1650-2017

The Lawless Period
Anguilla was first settled by runaway English indentured servants from Barbados and small farmers from St Kitts escaping the heavy tobacco taxes, imposed there to build the forts for defence against the French.  An English historian, writing in 1707, described the settlers of Anguilla this way,[1]
Their business . . . was to plant corn, and breed tame cattle,[2] for which purpose they brought stock with them.  They were poor and continue so to this day, being perhaps the laziest creatures in the world.  Some people have gone from Barbados, and the other English Charibbee Islands, thither;  and there they live like the first race of men, without government or religion, having no minister nor governor, no magistrates, no law, and no property worth keeping.  If a French author is to be believed, . . . ’The island is not thought worth the trouble of defending or cultivating it’.
What was patently unfair about this description of the early Anguillians was the accusation that the people were lazy.  From the earliest days, to be lazy in Anguilla was to die from starvation and want.  Regular periods of drought; frequent hurricanes; a thin, poor and unproductive soil; and the devastations brought by the wars between the English and the French combined to impoverish the people.  Only the keeping of small stock such as goats, and the growing of such tough crops as maize, sweet potatoes, and pigeon peas could ensure the survival of the people.  The risky enterprises of privateering during times of war, and the continuous smuggling among neighbouring islands, brought into the island a limited amount of coin.  No one could prosper, far less grow rich, in such adverse conditions.
In 1666, some sixteen years after settlement, the leading members of the isolated, ignored and impoverished Anguillian settlers formed themselves into a self-appointed Council and elected their own deputy governor.[3]  The power this Council exercised was not sanctioned by any local or regional statute or other law.  In every other Leeward Island, Royal Patents were sent out from London for the establishment of a deputy governor and an island Council.  In Anguilla by contrast, unique in the West Indies, for nearly 175 years after the island’s settlement in 1650, there was no lawfully constituted Council to govern the affairs of Anguilla.  The Anguilla Council was self-appointed and was merely tolerated by the colonial authorities in Antigua.  The Governor-in-Chief invariably confirmed the local appointee, and never interfered in the affairs of the Anguilla Council, as he frequently did in the more prosperous and consequential colonies of Antigua, St Kitts, Nevis, and Montserrat.  He touched on Anguillian affairs only when there was an appeal from a decision of the Anguilla Council, which he would pass on to the Secretary of State in London for a ruling, since he exercised very limited authority over the Anguilla Council.  The result was that, throughout this early period, the common Anguillian man and woman endured the unregulated government of their Council without the benefit of any real supervision by the colonial authorities.
In consequence, the official view for its first 175 years of the government of Anguilla, if colonial officials ever took the time to think of the government of Anguilla, was that the people were not governed by law.  In 1724, the Governor-in-Chief wrote[4] of the deputy governor of Anguilla, “If his cudgel happens to be one whit less than a sturdy subject's, then good night, Governor.”  Indeed, it was only in 1819 that the Governor-in-Chief in Antigua visited Anguilla and issued[5] formal patents to the deputy governor and the members of his Council.  This was the first and last time that Anguilla had a legally constituted government, until the British appointed an Anguilla Council under the Anguilla Administration Order of 1971.[6]
Not only was there no constitution or law under which a Council could be appointed in Anguilla.  There was no legislature in Anguilla or elsewhere to enact statutes under which the people could be governed.  Under the colonial regime of the day, no law enacted in any other colony could be extended to Anguilla.  The truth is that Anguilla was too poor, and of no consequence to the colonial authorities, since it contributed nothing to the Crown, to merit any expenditure of time or money on its administration.  The result was that up until the year 1825, the Anguilla Council, in effect, acted as the executive, legislative and judicial branches of the government of Anguilla, without any formal constitutional or statutory authority.[7]
On his one and only visit to the island in 1819, referred to earlier, newly installed Governor-in-Chief, Charles Maxwell, pointed out to deputy governor William Richardson and his Council the disadvantage of their existing without any form of legislature.  As the minute of his statement to them records, he said that,
It is much to be regretted as a British Colony, that this island should have been so long, and is, without a Legislative Body, constitutionally established, for the purpose of enacting good and wholesome laws for the good Government thereof;  that by reason of which the Registration of slaves, so urgently required by His Majesty’s Government, could not be effectually carried into execution, for the want of an Act of the island to coerce the enforcement of the same, the neglect of which may by its consequence, affect the dearest interest of the Colony in its most vital part, if delayed much longer.  The only remedy for obviating this defect would be for the inhabitants to Petition His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, praying that he would be graciously pleased to grant them a Charter of Constitutions which, when prepared and sent to me, I shall transmit the same to His Royal Highness with a recommendation of it from myself.
However, the islanders did not succeed in submitting a draft Constitution for Anguilla, and attempts to provide a legislature for Anguilla were overtaken by certain events occurring in 1825.  The result was that none of the Leeward Islands laws passed for the registration of slaves and the amelioration of slavery were enacted for the benefit of the people of Anguilla.
The 1825 Absorption into St Kitts
In the year 1825, prolonged drought; regular hurricanes; and the long wars with the USA and France, which ended only in 1815, combined to bring the hitherto self-perpetuating Anguillian Council to its knees.  The British blockade of trade with the enemy during the preceding 30 years devastated the vital Anguillian privateering and smuggling industries, while the alternating periods of droughts and hurricanes destroyed the homes, small-stock and crops of the islanders.  The law suits in the island’s unofficial courts after 1780, traces of which have survived in the archives, demonstrate in a practical way just how the economy had collapsed.  For one thing, the sums being sued for declined from hundreds of pounds before the American Revolution of 1776 to just a few shillings and pence in the fifty years before Anguilla was joined to St Kitts.
Their economy having collapsed, the Anguillians submitted to pressure from London to be governed by St Kitts.  London’s main interest, as is evidenced in the correspondence of the Secretary of State with the Governor-in-Chief in Antigua in the early part of the 19th Century, was to have some form of law-making power in Anguilla that would apply law, particularly the slavery amelioration laws and the coming Abolition of Slavery Act, to the Anguillians.[8]
In that year, 1825, the St Kitts Legislative Assembly under pressure from London passed the Anguilla Act to provide for the Anguillians to elect one member to attend the St Kitts Legislative Assembly.[9]  From that year, laws made in St Kitts applied to Anguilla.  In this way, the Slavery Abolition Act of St Kitts in the year 1834 was effective to bring an end to slavery in Anguilla.  From 1825 Anguilla also began to share the judiciary of St Kitts.  The Chief Justice would visit Anguilla at intervals to conduct the civil and criminal court sitting.  All previous trials between 1650 and 1825 had been completely unauthorised by any enactment or other formal law or legal system.
The First Courthouse
The first official Courthouse on Anguilla appears to have been deputy governor Benjamin Gumbs’ house[10] on the top of Crocus Hill, turned over to public use after his death.  There is no surviving record of how this came to be.  The little complex of out-buildings around the main house served as the Customs House, Post Office and Police Station.  It was the administrative centre of the island, approached from South Hill and North Hill villages and the west via the public footpaths from North Hill, down into Katouche Valley and up the public path where the road leading to the Masara Resort now runs.  It was ideally located, as the port of entry of Crocus Bay was at the foot of the hill to the west, while the main town of The Valley lay immediately to the east.  When the Chief Justice visited Anguilla from St Kitts, the main building of the complex served to house the visiting court.  For at least the first 50 years after 1825, the visiting Chief Justices complain to the Secretary of State that, as there was no guest-house in Anguilla, they were forced to spend their nights on board ship in the harbour.  There was no point in his complaining to the authorities in St Kitts as the St Kitts Council had made it clear to the Secretary of State from the start that they would only accept responsibility for making laws for Anguilla on condition that not one penny for the island’s support was required from St Kitts.
After 1825, presiding at the sitting of the Court of Kings Bench to hear civil and criminal cases in Anguilla was Richard Williams Pickwood, CJ of St Kitts and Anguilla.  Sitting with him on the bench at the Courthouse were two Assistant Justices, who acted as assessors of the facts.[11]  A minute of their proceedings for several years is preserved in the records of the court held in the Archives in Basseterre, St Kitts.  Additionally, because Justice Pickwood was unusually liberal for his day, the detailed proceedings of some of his Anguilla trials have been preserved in the British National Archives.  This happened because the planters of St Kitts and Anguilla, who conspired to have him sanctioned by the Secretary of State and suspended as Chief Justice, prepared transcripts of some of those trials, together with affidavits commenting on them, and sent them to London as evidence of his unlawfully siding with the slaves against their owners.  These transcripts, and the complaints by the Anguillian planters against Justice Pickwood, provide revealing glimpses into social life in Anguilla in the first half of the 19th Century.
One was the 9 October 1832 trial of the island doctor and elected representative to the St Kitts-Anguilla Legislative Assembly for Anguilla, the Hon Benjamin Gumbs-Hodge, for the offence of assaulting the slave woman Charlotte and marooning her on Dog Island.  The indictment found by the Grand Jury was to the effect that,[12]
Benjamin Gumbs Hodge of the Road Division on the island aforesaid, Practitioner in Medicine, on the first day of March in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty six with force and arms at the Road Division aforesaid in the island aforesaid, in and upon one Charlotte, a slave, in the peace of God and of our Lord the King then and there being did make an assault on her the said Charlotte did then and there beat, bruise and ill-treat and did then and there unlawfully, injuriously and against the will of the said Charlotte and without any legal warrant or authority in that behalf, seize, take and drag and forcibly carry the said Charlotte from the Road Division aforesaid in the island aforesaid across the sea to a certain place called Dog Island and her, the said Charlotte, in the said place called Dog Island did unlawfully and injuriously keep and detain against the will of the said Charlotte for a long space of time to wit, for the space of three weeks then next following, and other injuries to the said Charlotte then and there did to the damage of the said Charlotte and against the peace of our Lord the King.
The court records indicate that the witnesses bound over to give evidence were Charlotte Filipasso, Richard Roberts, and the Hon RW Pickwood himself.  Prosecuting was Charles Thompson, Attorney-General of St Kitts and Anguilla.  Mr Woodcock, a barrister of St Kitts appeared for the defence.
As the Accused was about to be arraigned, Mr Woodcock moved that he objected to the Chief Justice both sitting in judgment at the trial and being a witness at the trial.  The minute records that the Chief Justice explained that the law of criminal procedure at that time was that a trial that was not presided over by the Chief Justice was void.  Besides, he would not permit an accused person to select who he thought should be or not be his judge, as this would betray the important trust confided in the bench.  Also, he explained, the two Assistant Justices or assessors who sat with him had explained that they were completely incapable of conducting a criminal trial without his assistance, and if he recused himself they must do the same.
Mr Woodcock protested that he had recently seen a case in ‘Fortescue’s Reports’ which was clear authority for the proposition that a judge could not also be a witness in the case he was trying.  However, the Chief Justice was adamant that the procedure he proposed to follow was perfectly in order, and he dismissed the motion.
The accused was accordingly arraigned and the jury of Anguillian planters and dignitaries duly sworn to hear the evidence.  The witnesses proceeded to testify and be cross-examined, after which the jurors of Anguillian planters and merchants not surprisingly returned a verdict of not guilty.
The various affidavits sworn in the subsequent complaints to the Secretary of State against Chief Justice Pickering requesting his removal from the position of Chief Justice flesh out the details of this extraordinary incident.  It appears, reading between the lines, that in 1826 the Chief Justice was sailing his sloop from his estate on the north-west coast of St Kitts to hold one of the first Assizes in Anguilla under the new regime.  To arrive at the port of Road Bay, he had to sail past the small Anguillian Cay known as Dog Island.
The Honourable Peter Lake was then the owner of the Road Plantation and one of the leading citizens of Anguilla.  He appears to have been smitten by the beauty of his slave Charlotte.  He brazenly conducted an affair with her that soon came to the knowledge of his wife.  Mrs Lake, with the cunning of a woman scorned, hit upon a device to get rid of Charlotte.  She secretly cut up her own clothes and linen and torched them in her yard in the absence of her husband, falsely placing the blame on Charlotte.   At Charlotte’s subsequent trial for malicious damage, Mrs Lake gave false evidence to the Magistrates that she had observed Charlotte committing the act. 
Charlotte’s protestations of innocence could not prevail against her white accuser.  She was convicted of the arson, and sentenced to be marooned on Dog Island for a month, as punishment.  The Magistrates had given Dr Benjamin Gumbs-Hodge responsibility for carrying out the sentence.  Now, Dog Island was, and is, a tiny, barren Cay, with just a shed and a shallow well on it for the use of the shepherds placed there to keep an eye on the goats and other small stock that it was home to.  And then, as now, marooning was and always has been an illegal punishment, not sanctioned in any legal text.
As Chief Justice Pickering sailed past Dog Island on his way to Road Bay, whom should he spy but the beautiful Charlotte, illegally marooned on the Cay in punishment.  On his arrival in Crocus Bay, accompanied by Charlotte, he had the Attorney-General bring charges against the man who had forcibly placed her on Dog Island.
The records of the subsequent impeachment proceedings against the Chief Justice preserved in the Public Records Office at Kew Gardens reveal what happened next.  The Chief Justice could find no free Anguillian who would testify at the trial.  Blazing with fury, he did what no judge, hopefully, would do today.  He took off his wig from his head, slipped out of his judicial gown, stepped down from the bench upon which he sat with the two Assistant Justices, and entered into the witness box to testify.  When he had finished giving his eye-witness evidence, he put back on his wig and gown and resumed his seat.  As we know, the jury found in favour of their colleague and friend and dismissed the case.  But, Anguilla thereby became the first colony in the British Empire that I am aware of where the Chief Justice acted not only as judge but also as principal witness in the prosecution of an offender at the Assizes.
After 1825, Anguilla’s legal and judicial system evolved in tandem with that of St Kitts, and the colony was now officially titled “St Christopher and Anguilla.”  In 1882, when the Council and Assembly of Nevis were dissolved, and Nevis joined to create a three-island colony, it was, from then until 1967, officially known as the “Colony of St Christopher and Nevis”.  The name of Anguilla was dropped.  So, for example, Anguillian car licence plates prior to the Anguilla Revolution of 1967 began with the prefix “CN”, standing for St Christopher and Nevis.  After the Revolution, one of the first actions of Ronald Webster’s Peacekeeping Committee was to replace the licence plate letters “CN” with the letter “A” for Anguilla.
The old Courthouse with its out-buildings stood from the mid-1700s, when it was first built, until 1 September 1950, when Hurricane Dog hit the island.  The hurricane completely destroyed the wooden structure, leaving only the stone foundations remaining.  The masonry basement, including the cellar which served as the prison cell while court was in session, can still be seen there.  The ruins are overshadowed by two large, ugly, black Rubbermaid water storage tanks and two equally large and ugly radio aerials raised in the Courthouse yard.  Goats, mimosa trees and strangler fig compete to see which can be first to totally destroy the abandoned remains.
With the passing of the Slavery Abolition Act of 1834, Special Magistrates appointed by St Kitts were stationed in Anguilla to oversee the Apprenticeship Period, 1834-1838.  After 1838, and until 1882, the Magistrates of Anguilla were usually professional lawyers who were appointed as Stipendiary Magistrates, meaning they got paid.  The first on record was Thomas Egar (who served 1835-1841).[13]  He was followed by other qualified lawyers who doubled as the St Kitts-appointed local administrator for Anguilla.  The most famous and long-lasting was Robert William Pickwood (1842-1862), Chief Justice Pickwood’s son.  He was so dedicated to Anguilla and so well-respected that, when he died in St Martin, the funeral that the French gave him was described in the official correspondence as almost a state funeral.
Sometimes, disreputable St Kitts civil servants were dispatched to Anguilla to serve as Magistrate and President of the Vestry, mainly it seems, to get them out of the way of the St Kitts administration.  One such was George Alsbury (1863-1864), the roguish clerk to the Basseterre Magistrates Court and public printer of Basseterre.  He was first appointed as the customs officer of Anguilla and then later as Magistrate.[14]  We do not know for certain what his alleged offences were, but as he was a customs officer, it is not difficult to guess.
From 1882, the Magistrate of Anguilla was replaced by an administrator from St Kitts, called the Warden, whose duties included sitting as Magistrate.  These St Kitts administrators were often the physician, primarily assigned to look after the health of the islanders.  Vincent F Byron, late father of the President of the CCJ, the Rt Hon Sir Dennis Byron, was the last Warden sent to Anguilla, and he left the island with the outbreak of the 1967 Revolution.
Wallace Rey’s Courthouse
It was only in the year 1964, under Mr Byron’s administration, that the St Kitts government replaced the old, destroyed Courthouse, lost fourteen years previously.  Local Anguillian builder, Wallace Rey, was appointed to head Anguilla’s public works after he retired from the US Air Force Base in Antigua where he had found employment at the start of World War II.  Wallace Rey designed and built the new court building.  Its magnificent, reinforced-concrete transverse arches that reach up from the foundations and go up and over the roof to descend on the other side made it one of the most imposing structures at the time on the island.  Its design reflects that of St Mary’s Anglican Church, which he also designed and built around the same time.
In the intervening years 1950-1964, after Hurricane Dog destroyed Governor Benjamin Gumbs’ old building, temporary quarters in a private home now replaced with a modern concrete structure occupied by NAGICO across from the High School, served as the courthouse.  Wallace Rey’s 1964 building functioned at first only as the courthouse.  Later, it was to become the home of the Anguilla House of Assembly, the Court of Appeal, the High Court, the Magistrates Court, and the Juvenile Court.  These all shared the one-room premises without difficulty since when the Court of Appeal visited no other court sat.  When the High Court sat, there was no Magistrate’s Court, as the Magistrate doubled as Registrar of the Supreme Court.  This was the system in place which I met when I was appointed Magistrate of Anguilla in August 1976.  At that time and for the next several years, the only lawyers in the public service were the Attorney-General and the Magistrate.  As for Wallace Rey’s building in which I served as Magistrate and Registrar, it is no longer a court house.  It presently serves as the offices of the Statistics Department.
The short-lived West Indies Federation broke up in 1961 when Jamaica chose to go into independence rather than stay tied to the smaller islands.  Trinidad and Barbados left shortly after, and the Federation was dissolved.  By the year 1967, the individual colonies of the Leeward and Windward Islands were themselves headed to independence.  They first entered into the intermediate status of ‘Associated Statehoodship’ with Great Britain.  The old, separate Supreme Courts of the Leeward Islands and that of the Windward Islands, re-established after the collapse of the Federation in 1961, were merged into the new ‘West Indies Associated States Supreme Court’.
The West Indies Associated States Supreme Court was established by the Courts Order of 1967.  This court had a short life-span in Anguilla.  Almost immediately, Anguilla was in rebellion against its continued enforced union with St Kitts and Nevis.  The Anguillians refused to be made ready for independence, tied permanently to St Kitts and Nevis.  The Anguilla Revolution of 1967 was to be the first successful armed revolt in the British West Indies.[15]  The thirteen members of the St Kitts police force manning the Valley Police Station were packed onto a LIAT airplane and shipped back to Basseterre.  The visiting St Kitts judge was jeered out of his courthouse and chased down the runway until he boarded a waiting flight to take him back to St Kitts.  In 1967, the revolutionary Anguilla Peacekeeping Committee appointed the social welfare officer, Raphael Lake, to be Magistrate and he functioned in that office until he was replaced by the British administration after their invasion of the island in 1969 at the invitation of the St Kitts government.
In 1971, the British Parliament passed the Anguilla Act, which permitted Britain to separately administer the Anguillian part of the ‘Associated State of St Kitts, Nevis and Anguilla’ while they attempted to negotiate a settlement between the administrations in Basseterre and The Valley.  Between 1971 and 1982, Britain selected and paid for a Magistrate, a High Court Judge, and three Judges of the Court of Appeal.  By agreement with the governments of St Kitts and Anguilla, these appointments were rubber stamped by the Judicial and Legal Services Commission of the West Indies Associated States Supreme Court.  Appeals from the Court of Appeal of Anguilla lay to the Privy Council.  At least one appeal, that involving the Junks Hole Estate dispute, went all the way to the Privy Council in the years before Anguilla re-joined the West Indian judicial family.
In 1980, the People’s Action Movement party gained power in St Kitts by defeating the Labour Party in general elections.  The administration of the new St Kitts-Nevis premier, Dr Kennedy Simmons, negotiated with Britain for independence.  The British agreed, on condition that St Kitts let Anguilla go on its own.  St Kitts-Nevis agreed, and Anguilla was brought under full colonial rule by the Anguilla Act 1980 of the UK Parliament.
By the year 1982, the West Indies Associated States Supreme Court came to be known as the ‘Eastern Caribbean Supreme Court’ (the ECSC).  This name-change was made to give recognition to the demise of the Associated States, and their replacement by independent Commonwealth Caribbean Countries throughout the region.  The Robert Bradshaw regime had previously vetoed Anguilla’s participation in any regional institutions, including the Court.  The new St Kitts government of Dr Kennedy Simmonds relented, and Anguilla began to join the various regional bodies.  In 1982, the Anguilla Assembly passed the Eastern Caribbean Supreme Court (Anguilla) Act, and Anguilla re-entered the fold of the regional judiciary.  From that time, the Magistrates of Anguilla have been appointed by the governor after consultation with the Judicial and Legal Services Commission.
Monica Joseph of Grenada (1982-1983) was our first regionally appointed High Court Judge.  She visited Anguilla from time to time from St Kitts to do the occasional criminal case or civil case that awaited the attention of a High Court Judge.  Her jurisdiction was somewhat reduced, since most felonies and misdemeanours had previously in the year 1978 been made triable summarily by the Magistrate, due precisely to the lack of a resident judge.  To this day, the Anguilla Magistrate’s Court has one of the most extensive jurisdictions in the Leeward Islands both civilly and criminally.  Justice Joseph was always pleased when she was presented with a pair of white gloves at the opening of the Criminal Assizes, as an indication that there were no criminal cases on the list to be dealt with.  That ceremony, unfortunately, did not persist for long.
Dame Monica Joseph, as she now is, was succeeded by a number of judges, including John Roberts QC of Sierra Leone and London; Sylvia Bertrand of Dominica and the BVI; Lloyd Williams of Jamaica and St Kitts (1991); and Neville Smith of the Bahamas and St Kitts (ca1992-1996), all of whom visited Anguilla occasionally from their assigned jurisdiction.
Adrian Saunders of St Vincent (1996-2000), subsequently of the Court of Appeal and later of the Caribbean Court of Justice, was the first ECSC High Court judge who actually lived in Anguilla.  He was followed by Ola Mae Edwards of Jamaica (2002-2003), subsequently Justice of the Court of Appeal; Janice George-Creque, later Pereira, of Virgin Gorda (2003-1009), subsequently a Justice of Appeal and later Chief Justice of the ECSC; Louise Blenman of Guyana (2009-2012), subsequently a Justice of Appeal; and, now, Cheryl Mathurin of St Lucia (2013 – present).
The New Courthouse
By the late 1990s, a dramatic increase in judicial activity in Anguilla meant that Wallace Rey’s old courthouse was no longer adequate to serve as a multi-purpose building.  The tourism industry had fuelled an enormous growth in the economy, and crime and litigation had mushroomed.  With British financial assistance, a new building was constructed at the eastern end of the government secretariat, adjacent to the former National Bank of Anguilla.  The plans were drawn by architect David Kenworthy and approved by a Committee of the bar and the Anguilla judiciary headed by Justice Adrian Saunders.  The new building now consists of three separate chambers.  They are the Magistrate’s Court, the High Court, and the House of Assembly.  This three rooms structure will serve Anguilla for the foreseeable future, but inevitably, in time, it will come to seem out-dated and in need of replacement.
Access to the laws of a country is essential for its good governance.  Not just lawyers need to know the law, everyone does.  The old saying, which we still apply to our citizens when they inadvertently breach a law, is that ignorance of the law is no excuse.  In most of the countries of the West Indies, all of the laws are available on a free government website online both to read and to download.  Anyone can go to the Government of Antigua and Barbuda website[16] and access any of the laws of that country.  Of course, if you desire to purchase the entire collection of the Laws of Antigua and Barbuda in book form, you will have to pay.  However, digital or soft copies of the laws are freely available to all.
This has not been so in Anguilla since the year 2000, when we published our new edition of the laws of Anguilla.  We are now prohibited from accessing the collected statutes that apply to us unless we pay several thousand EC dollars to purchase a set.  If I purchase a set of the laws from the A-G’s Chambers, I commit an offence if I share one of them with you on paper or by email.  According to the warning at the foot of each statute, I can be sued for breach of copyright.  If I do take a chance, and illegally share with you a digital copy of one of the laws of Anguilla, you will receive it in a format that is not searchable, and incapable of being printed.  I am informed that the only legal way to acquire a copy of an individual law of Anguilla is to purchase it for a minimum of US$25.00 from the A-G’s Chambers.
Even Government Departments are without access to the laws of Anguilla.  When, up to a year ago, I provided a legal aid clinic out of one of the Departments of Government, I enquired after one of the statutes I needed to advise a client on.  The response I got was that no one in the Department had access to the statute in question.  Since the Department was required to find the sum of US$1,500.00 to purchase a set of the laws, and could not afford the price, the Department had no copies of the laws of Anguilla.  I was given to understand that the same applies to many other Departments of the Anguilla public service.
The settlement of Anguilla, we have seen, started as a sanctuary for tax refugees.  Resistance to paying taxes is embedded deep in the culture of Anguilla.  To encourage us to pay our rates, or property tax, Government has found it necessary to introduce a 20% remission as a reward, if we pay our assessment at any time within the year it is due.  The culture of tax avoidance is so deeply ingrained, that we have established a financial services industry which provides services to the tax refugees of the world.
Among our first industries, we have seen, were those of smuggling and privateering.  Three hundred and fifty years later, the police seem ineffective in the face of growing imports of illegal drugs, guns and foreign sex workers.  The ancient industry of smuggling continues today, save that the illicit trafficking is in many times more dangerous commodities, and produces more pathetic victims.
Is it only me who sees the irony in the Anguillian authorities setting up a legal system that conceals the laws of Anguilla from her citizens, save for those who are very rich?  It seems anomalous that the authorities deliberately withhold our statutes from us.  The right thing is to make all our laws searchable online and printable without cost.  Payment should be demanded only for the paper and CD versions of the statutes.
We boast that Anguillians are intrepid entrepreneurs.  But, should we continue to permit our young men to start up “Sports Bars” for the exploitative employment of immigrant women on short-term “tourist visas”?  Illegal Santo Domingo lottery tickets are openly but illegally sold at every street corner shop or bar.  The “numbers” racket operates brazenly in several outlets in every village.  The police must know about all of this, but appear ineffective in shutting it down.
If this situation continues unchecked, the risk is that Anguilla will be known as a country of smugglers, human traffickers, and drugs dealers, a people who know no law.  So, what’s new about that, you may ask?
A speech prepared at the request of the Anguilla Bar Association Council for delivery at a special sitting of the Court in Anguilla at a ceremony to mark the 50th anniversary of the Eastern Caribbean Supreme Court, but which was never delivered due to cancellation of the event.


[1]       John Oldmixon, The British Empire in America (1708), Vol 2, p.264.
[2]       The term ‘cattle’ at the time included pigs, sheep and goats.  It was probably this last which the settlers brought to the island.
[3]       Abraham Howell, Anguilla’s first deputy governor, in a patent preserved in the Anguilla Archives stored at the Court House, describes himself as having been elected as deputy governor in the year 1666.
[4]       CO.152/14: Governor-in-Chief John Hart to the Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations.
[5]       Anguilla Council Minutes, 1819-1841, St Kitts Archives, photographed and transcribed by Martha Burrows and Heather Nielsen.
[6]       For some years after absorption by St Kitts in 1825, the St Kitts-Anguilla Legislative Assembly introduced a form of local government under the provisions of the Vestry Act, but its power was very limited.  Its meetings were chaired by the Magistrate.
[7]       Anguilla Council Minutes, 1819-1841, previously cited.
[8]       See for example the various correspondence and dispatches at CO.407/1 between Lord Bathurst and Governor-in-Chief Maxwell on the need for Anguilla to have laws.
[9]       CO.240/16, at folio 315: Act No 198. An Act to Authorise the Freeholders of the Island of Anguilla to Send a Representative to the House of Assembly in the Island of St Kitts (usually referred to as the “Anguilla Act”.
[10]     Its dimensions are so modest that one has difficulty referring to it as his ‘Estate Great House’.
[11]     CO.240/17, folio 1. The law which enabled this sitting was entitled, Act No 1: An Act for Establishing Courts and Settling Due Methods for the Administration of Justice in the Island of Anguilla.
[12]     Anguilla Court Records 1827-1845, located in the St Kitts Archives, Basseterre, photographed and transcribed by Martha Burrows and Heather Nielsen.
[13]     CO.239/67, Dispatch No 13: Mr McPhail to EG Stanley, Secretary of State for the Colonies
[14]     CO.239/111, Dispatch No 40/3473 of 5 March 1864: Governor Steven J Hill to Lord Newcastle.
[15]     Not emulated elsewhere in the British West Indies until the Grenada Revolution of 13 March 1979 brought Maurice Bishop’s New Jewel Party to power.
[16]     For the Antigua statutes, see; http://www.laws.gov.ag/acts/.

Saturday, October 03, 2015

A Corrupting Independence


A Corrupting Independence – Short-term and Long-term Political Ambitions in Anguilla[1]
Anguilla is a small, 35 square-mile, English-speaking island located in the centre of the West Indies,[2] 100 miles to the west of Antigua and to the north of St Kitts, and with a population of some 14,000 persons.  Its principal industry is tourism, mainly funded by foreign direct investment.  It was first occupied for millennia by succeeding waves of Amerindians who came out of South America.  These died off as a result of interaction with the Spanish after the “discovery” of the islands by Christopher Columbus in 1492.  They left no written records, and their cultures are known to us mainly through the activities of archaeologists.
Anguilla became a part of the Spanish Empire by virtue of Pope Alexander VI’s Papal Bull Inter Caetera and the resulting Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494.  This brought an end to military conflict between Spain and Portugal and divided the New World between their two contending thrones.  The Spanish, however, did not occupy the island as it was too small and insignificant to be of any interest to them.
Subsequently in the year 1627, Anguilla became an English colony when King Charles I claimed it as his own and included it in his grant of the islands of the West Indies to the Earl of Carlisle.  Englishmen did not actually occupy it until 1650 when a group of dissatisfied tobacco planters from St Kitts and Nevis, fleeing the taxes imposed on them to fund the defence of those islands, together with some run-away indentured labourers seeking freedom from servitude in Barbados, arrived and stayed.  The first English settlers grew tobacco for export.  Poor rainfall and deficient soil soon reduced them to raising goats and other small stock for export to St Kitts, and growing peas, maize and sweet potatoes for home consumption.
After the island was settled in 1650, no attempt was made by the colonial power to provide for the islanders to make laws for themselves or to establish an executive body to administer government.  The deputy governor of Anguilla was, for generations, elected by local planters and, alone among all the other colonies, was merely approved in his unofficial and unpaid office.  Governor in Chief of the Leeward Islands, William Mathew, in 1734 described the deputy governor’s authority in this way:[3]
As for being under government, they are out of all notion of that.  From time to time deputy governors from among them have been appointed by His Majesty’s Chief Governor of these islands, but these have no authority over them but what they are able to enforce with a cudgel.
Abandoned and ignored by the colonial authorities, the islanders managed to survive between 1650 and 1825, entirely autonomously.  With the ending of the long drought in about 1725, they began to grow sugarcane for the first time.  They imported several hundred Africans to labour in the fields.  The black, white and coloured descendants of these early immigrants now occupy all the land, and out of conceit consider themselves to be the native or indigenous people of the island.
In the early years of the nineteenth century, the “great experiment” of the abolition of slavery began to dominate the concerns of the Colonial Office towards its remaining colonies in the Americas.  The passing of the Slavery Abolition Act by the British Parliament in 1833 was the first legislative step towards the abolition of the system of plantation slavery in the colonies.  Effective abolition depended on the passing of an Abolition Act in each colony.  Anguilla possessed no legislature and no system of real law.  For slavery to be abolished in Anguilla it would be necessary for the Anguillians to be brought under some system of law-making.
The solution devised by the Colonial Secretary in London was to persuade the nearby colony of St Kitts to let Anguilla unite with it.  In that way, laws made in St Kitts would apply in Anguilla.  The St Kitts planters and merchants who dominated their legislature and executive council agreed to take on this responsibility on one condition.  Not one penny of St Kitts money, they insisted, was ever to be required to be expended in Anguilla.  The Colonial Office was obliged to agree, but on condition that no funds were ever to be required from London.  For their part, the Anguillians were granted the right that no law affecting them would be introduced into the St Kitts legislature unless their elected representative was present.  The result was the resignation of the last deputy governor and the passing of the Anguilla Act of 1825 by the St Kitts Assembly.  This unhappy legislative union between the two colonies lasted for another 142 years, until the Anguillians effectively ended it in 1967.
With the collapse of the West Indies Federation of 1958-1962, and the return of the smaller islands to colonial status, the British actively encouraged independence.  First, the islands were designed to become semi-independent “Associated States”, and then, hopefully rapidly, fully independent.  This solution worked as planned with such of them as Antigua, Grenada, St Lucia and St Vincent.  It failed in the case of the Associated State of St Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla.  The Anguillians, in what has become known as the Anguilla Revolution, rebelled from the threat to keep them tied in perpetuity to the St Kitts administration.  On 29 May 1967, by a public vote taken in the island’s main sports field, they decided to expel by force the St Kitts administration from their island.
On 11 July 1967, Anguillians voted again in a referendum by an overwhelming majority of 1,813 to 5 to separate from St Kitts and to run their own affairs.  Three months later, on 21 October, a locally elected Peace Keeping Committee took office under a newly approved Constitution and began knocking on the doors of the United Nations demanding admittance.  Two years later, on 6 February 1969, the British being reluctant to accede to their demand to be legally separated from St Kitts, the Anguillians adopted a new Constitution and declared the island the independent Republic of Anguilla under the leadership of their first President, Ronald Webster. 
Just weeks later, on 19 March 1969, the Republic was ended by a dawn invasion by sea and by air by a contingent of British paratroopers.  These were invited in by St Kitts and other Commonwealth Caribbean states who hoped the island would be returned to St Kitts control.  However, one of the first acts of the British government after the invasion was to promise the Anguillians that they would not be subjected to an administration under which they did not want to live.[4]  This guarantee that Anguillians would be for evermore free of the threat of being returned to the hated administration of St Kitts was sufficient to make them accept the beginning of British administration of the island.  There was previously no British government presence in Anguilla from the time of settlement in 1650, a period of over 300 years.
Unfortunately for Anguillian aspirations to eventual return to self-government, most of the leaders of the Anguilla Revolution and their successors in office were men generally speaking of little formal education,[5] and not imbued with any of the principles of civics, ethics, or good government.  They were instead charismatic, self-centred, self-made men, single-minded in their determination to separate from St Kitts.  Our people, while universally pious and churchgoing, subscribe mainly to unsophisticated, fundamentalist, US Bible-belt Christian sects,[6] and are not intellectually equipped to avoid making such persons our leaders.  We remain essentially a frontier society, hostile to any form of authority or regulation.  Centuries of deprivation and long isolation have bred a strongly xenophobic culture.  A corrosive suspicion and distrust of outsiders, and of all values and concepts not promoted by the Old Testament, dominates the attitude of many of our service providers towards the main pillar of our economy, tourism.  This self-destructive attitude is cynically encouraged by the local political elite as a tool to attract popular allegiance and support for their personal agendas.
The business of government is conducted in Anguilla under a veil of secrecy inherited from an earlier British model.  If a law does not require the information to be published, then to disclose it is a breach of your oath of secrecy as a public servant.  Under this system, misgovernment flourishes.  The public works tendering process is neither constitutionally mandated nor otherwise protected from political interference or administrative bias and is easily manipulated in secret.  In spite of a well-meaning but ineffective Public Procurement Act, public works contracts are seen to be awarded to political supporters and family members of the Ministers or, equally objectionably, to those whom the administration deems to be most suitable, based on arbitrary and secret criteria.[7]  The government chief surveyor approves private land surveyors altering boundary marks without ensuring that the neighbours are alerted to the pending survey so that they may observe the process and protect their interests by objecting if necessary.  Elected Ministers regularly overturn public administration decisions on work permit, land development and planning matters based on personal relationships and other irrational grounds.
At general elections, the corrupting influence of the constituency system comes into play.  Most elections are won by majorities of less than a few hundred votes.  The politician with the means to endow his district with suitable gifts is almost guaranteed to win.[8]  Family trumps merit.  If you are a politician running for office, it helps to have more relatives resident in your district than the other candidate.  After every general election, we watch as our new Ministers of government remove the previous unsuitable, political appointees to statutory boards and committees and replace them by their own.
The British Governors, supposed to lead us in matters of governance, very occasionally register their disapproval of our Ministers’ more obviously bad decisions, based as they so often are on cronyism and conflicts of interest.  But they do nothing to insist on and to ensure the introduction of mechanisms that would improve our culture of misgovernment.  Recently, one Governor was seen to shield a Minister of Finance from criticism when a member of the opposition protested in writing at the Minister’s continued chairing of the board of directors of a local bank with which his government did banking business.  The Governor put it in writing that he saw no conflict of interest.  The Minister continued to hold and serve in both offices for many years.  A Minister of Lands, whose legal duty it was to investigate and recommend approval of applications by foreigners to purchase land in Anguilla, continued for many years, without disapproval from the Governor, to advertise his private real estate business on a large billboard on the main highway.[9]
The public of Anguilla are slowly becoming aware that this lack of transparency, integrity and accountability in our system is unacceptable.  We are beginning to acknowledge the need to rely on consistent, dependable and fair processes in government.  Voices are being raised demanding transparency in the award of public contracts and the granting of permits and licences.  But these voices are still very much in the minority.
Within fifty years of the British invasion, some of Anguillia’s leading politicians and opinion makers are now chafing at what is at best minimalist British rule.  So, Ministers protested the bringing of criminal charges by the police, who answer only to the Governor, against a Minister in relation to his alleged sexual exploitation of female applicants for permits and licences.[10]  Ministers were annoyed at the Governor raising objections to the Chief Minister signing a letter offering the Social Security Fund to an obviously suspect investment company as collateral for a highly unlikely promise to let us borrow a large sum of money at little or no interest.[11]  The Minister of Lands was outraged recently at the refusal of the Registrar of Lands, who answers only to the Governor, to obey his order to reverse a judgment of the Court of Appeal and to illegally alter the registered title to a parcel of land in favour of family members of the Minister.[12]
Anguilla is not unique in the West Indies regarding the lack of mechanisms to ensure good governance.  We share a similar unsatisfactory system with our independent neighbours who were once British colonies.  Charles Wilkin QC of St Kitts and Nevis, in a recent speech, described the three major ailments in the fragile democracy of that country as, one, the inadequacy of the Constitution; two, the overwhelming and senseless negativity caused by political tribalism; and, three, the weakness of civil society.  The identical criticisms can be applied to Anguilla’s Constitution and its institutions.
Benito Wheatley of the British Virgin Islands commented, in relation to that British Overseas Territory, that the vain and egotistic men they elect to office take a headstrong approach to governance.[13]  Ministers feel no need for real consultation with the people on most matters, and take decisions of government contrary to the advice of the technical experts.  This comment is especially true of Anguilla.  The award of public works contracts, the granting of work permits to foreigners, and the overturning of planning decisions over the past 40 years have proceeded in Anguilla under this system.  The relevant statutes specifically provide for appeals from administrative decisions to be made to the Ministers, with devastating damage to public confidence in the system of government.  Our only remedy for political abuse up to this point has been to remove the last lot of miscreants and replace them by another lot every five years.  This is not a satisfactory solution.  The flaw lies not merely with the unsuitable individuals we elect but, more so, in the inadequacies of the Constitution under which they flourish.  The result has been a growing feeling of disenchantment with our system of governance.
The rhetoric of our more popularist radio commentators grows louder.  They point out that colonialism is a state of subjection based on racism and imperialism.  They typically argue,
The British provide us with nothing of value.  We pay our own way.  We raise our own public funds.  We receive little or no aid from Britain.  He who pays the piper should call the tune.  The United Nations has guaranteed us colonial people the right to rule ourselves.  We should seize that right.  Besides, if we were independent, we would no longer be limited to fruitlessly seeking financial and institutional assistance from the one administering power.  Instead, we would be free to receive help from all the major powers.  We could even make them compete among themselves to see which one can give us the most aid.
Without batting an eyelid in shame, they suggest to us that one of the main values of independence from Britain is the enlargement of our begging bowl.  Besides”, they say to us, “the British can’t be trusted to put the necessary safeguards in place.  Leave it to us”, they say.  We’ll take care of everything after independence.  You can depend on it.”
Even as these politicians exhort and importune us, we observe with an intense sense of outrage the political elite of some of our recently independent West Indian nations abusing the power entrusted to them by their people.  We have not forgotten how, after independence in 1962, the people of Jamaica fell victim to Michael Manley’s charismatic but cruel and confiscatory reign.[14]  We recall how, after Trinidad and Tobago gained political independence also in 1962 under the rule of Dr Eric Williams, his administration became so corrupt and oppressive that there was an uprising that was put down only after CIA infiltration of the Black Power demonstrators.  Nearby Antigua and Barbuda were dominated for decades by the charisma and oratory of a corrupt local dynasty.[15]  We watched the rise and fall of Prime Minister Eric Gairy of Grenada, one of the most venal and lecherous of West Indian political leaders.  His larcenous career flourished with impunity under the same colonial and post-colonial constitutional and legal system that we are subject to in Anguilla at this time.  This is the system under which an ambitious political element in Anguilla proposes that we should venture into independence without delay.
The failure of the British Government, in neglecting to send our West Indian infant nations off into independence clothed with a constitutional framework adequate to provide our people with some certainty of freedom from local tyranny, is notorious.  As some of Anguilla’s power-hungry political elite grow increasingly weary of the restraints of colonial rule, their cry for full internal self-government, if not complete political independence, begins to grow.  They claim that it is time for Anguilla to be once again independent from outside rule.[16]  They condemn as British stooges those who point out the danger of going into independence without the necessary constitutional and legal safeguards to protect our lives and our property.  But, the risk is not lost on most of the ordinary people of Anguilla that, once we are granted our wish to be independent, we shall quickly descend into an even more brutal period of self-inflicted local tyranny.
The unwritten British Constitution works in the United Kingdom partly because it is supplemented by a system of conventions that have near legal force.  In our young and immature democracy of Anguilla, with a written Constitution but no respect for foreign conventions and not enough time to develop ones of our own, the system fails us.  The present Westminster-model Constitution we inherited from London consists of a skeletal provision for a bureaucratic administrative machine, absent any mechanism to ensure good government.  It is intrinsically inadequate to provide us with the necessary protection from the baser instincts of our politicians, one of the first requirements of a written Constitution.  There is, essentially, no free press in which these issues can be fully discussed since the one real newspaper depends on government advertising and must be circumspect in what it publishes.
Those of us who think about these things recognise that a paradigm-shift in government is needed for us to preserve our freedoms and to prosper one day in the future as a country once again independent of foreign administration.[17]  Thomas Astaphan QC of Anguilla, in a series of recent radio broadcasts, has proposed the radical route of entirely scrapping our present attachment to the Westminster-style Constitution.  He would have us go into independence under a Constitution that provides for the President of Anguilla and each member of Cabinet, as well as each member of the Legislature, to be individually elected to office and subject to recall by the voters when they fail to perform satisfactorily.  Others argue that the Westminster system can work in an independent Anguilla, but only if the several watchdog institutions and checks and balances that operate in such independent Commonwealth countries as Britain are first introduced and entrenched in our Constitution and made operative in law and accepted in practice.
Vague and theoretical exhortations from London about the need to ensure good governance are pointless.  Practical measures have to be put into place before the people of Anguilla are likely to trust our lives and property to the unrestrainable hands of the local politician, of whatever political party.  As a start, the Public Procurement Board regulating the purchase of public services and goods must be established and protected by the Constitution.  Appointments to statutory boards and government committees must be approved by a constitutionally protected appointments procedure.  Land development planning decisions should no longer be subject to appeal to the political directorate, but to a professional, independent body.  The draft Building Code, now over 20 years old, and which would ensure compliance with hurricane and earthquake standards, should be enacted and made to apply to everyone, not as at present just to foreigners.  Immigration and work permit decisions of the relevant administrative boards should no longer be capable of being overruled by politicians acting on the basis of unpublished and unknown policies.  There must be an effective Integrity in Public Office Act obliging those aspiring to political office to place their assets and liabilities on a public register for all to see, as is increasingly normal in developed democracies.  A Freedom of Information Act, and the accompanying procedures to make it effective, inconvenient as they are for the bureaucracy, are long overdue.[18]  Ministers should be subject to a Code of Ethics, and coached, on taking up office, on the proper conduct of the public affairs with which they are entrusted.
These things seem so obviously a prerequisite for a small, developing Commonwealth country, such as Anguilla is, contemplating going into political independence from Great Britain that it must be astonishing to any discerning observer that they are even controversial.
A paper read on 3 October 2015 at the island Dynamics Conference at the University of Greenland in Nuuk on ‘Indigenous Resources:  Decolonization and Development’
Researched with assistance from Robert Conrich, ACIArb;  and Ilan Kelman, PhD



[1]     A paper delivered at the September 2015 University of Greenland Conference in Nuuk, Greenland, on ‘Indigenous Resources: Decolonization and Development’ convened by Island Dynamics.
[2]     Some West Indian academics, in their rush to escape from our colonial history implicit in the use of the term “West Indies”, have begun to use the adjective “Caribbean” to describe our archipelago.  I prefer the former in preference to the latter ever since the latter was co-opted in the 1980s as a cover for the US State Department’s notoriously mis-named “Caribbean Basin Initiative” (CBI) in which the CIA funded murderous right-wing regimes in El Salvador and Nicaragua.  With the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the phasing out of the CBI, it is now appropriate that our region revert to its original designation as “The West Indies” to avoid any connection with this programme.
[3]     CO.152/21, No 79, folio 88: Mathew to the Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations on 17 June 1734.
[4]     Known as the Caradon Declaration, having been made to the Anguillians by Lord Caradon, British Ambassador to the United Nations, on a visit to the island in a successful mission to defuse a crisis that was escalating between the islanders and the British administration in the months after the invasion.
[6]     Most of us firmly reject the “theory” of evolution, and remain convinced the earth began on Sunday 23 October, 4004 BCE
[7]     Seen most recently when a request for bids by the Water Corporation for the construction and operation of a water desalination plant resulted in a bid by a competent and professional company being turned down by the public service dominated Procurement Board in favour of a less than satisfactory bid by a competitor.  As it is, the deal fell through and the contract went back out to bid.
[8]     The most commonly heard reason for not supporting a political candidate is, “He never gave me anything”
[14]    Joan Williams in her Looking Back: The Struggle to Preserve our Freedoms (Kingston: Yard Publications, 2015) describes Michael Manley’s attraction by the supreme power of Fidel Castro in Cuba, and his collaboration with the communists in his failed attempt to bring Jamaica under their domination.
[15]    All as detailed by Robert Coram: Caribbean Time Bomb: The United States’ Complicity in the Corruption of Antigua (William Morrow) 1993.
[18]    But much misunderstood. As recently as the year 2009 the then Chief Minister denied there was any need for such an Act on the misinformed ground that there was no press censorship in Anguilla